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Begin and I walked from Holly to Aspen, arriving at my cottage just in time to greet Sadat. I led the way to the study and sat behind the desk. They took the other two chairs, facing each other across the desk. I decided to withdraw from the discussion so Begin and Sadat could address each other directly. While they talked, I took notes, and they soon refrained from talking to me or attempting to seek my opinion.
Begin was well prepared and did not waste any time. He was brutally frank as he discussed each issue in Sadat's paper. Sadat remained silent until Begin derided the idea of Israel's paying reparations for use of the occupied lands. Then he interrupted, and a hot argument took place. Begin rejected the idea that his nation should pay for the Egyptian oil being pumped at that moment to Israel. Sadat was incensed. They began arguing about who had conquered whom, and I had to intercede to say that neither was claiming that the other represented a defeated nation. Sadat accused Begin of being interested primarily in the retention of occupied land. Begin retorted that 24,000 sq. mi. of territory were involved, that he was offering to return more than 90% of it to Egypt now, and merely postponing the sovereignty question on the other 2,340 sq. mi.—a figure that, I assumed at the time, was the area of the West Bank and Gaza.
It was a telling point, and Sadat decided to shift ground. He said we needed to discuss basic principles, and not get bogged down in square meters or other details. One of the principles that could not be ignored was the phrase "inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war." He said this was the essence of the question. He leaned forward in his chair, pointed his finger at Begin, and exclaimed, "Premier Begin, you want land!"
Sadat reminded us that the disputed phrase came directly from Resolution 242, which all of us agreed to be the foundation of our peace efforts. He was fervent in condemning "the Israeli settlements on my land."
All restraint was now gone. Their faces were flushed, and the niceties of diplomatic language and protocol were stripped away. Begin repeated that no Israeli leader could advocate dismantling of the Sinai settlements, and he added that other conditions would have to be met before the Sinai could be returned.
Begin had touched a raw nerve, and I thought Sadat would explode. He pounded the table, shouting that land was not negotiable, especially in the Sinai and Golan. Those borders were internationally recognized. He said that for 30 years the Israelis had desired full recognition, no Arab boycott, and security. He was giving them all of that. "Security, yes! Land, no!" he shouted.
There was no need for U.N. forces in the area, he declared; Israel and Egypt could defend themselves. He promised that there would be no restrictions on navigation in the Suez or the Strait of Tiran. A permanent end to belligerency—all this, and more. But, he said, he must terminate the discussions if Begin continued to prove that he wanted land.
Begin was calmer than Sadat. He said he had already demonstrated his good will by changing a longstanding policy of his government concerning the Sinai land