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And what does Nixon stand to gain? At least an additional passage in the history books of this century. Conceivably a lasting reputation as the man who managed to help establish "a generation of peace." For the present, he has restored a sense of diplomatic initiative to the U.S. and won for himself greater freedom of maneuver by making it far harder for domestic war critics to attack him before the Peking trip. It could all blow up in disillusionment; the drastic shifting of international prisms could lead to a world even more out of balance and prone to conflict. But barring that possibility, Nixon has clearly improved his re-election chances. If he ends the war, as he promises—and scores even wider success in foreign affairs —he will have largely offset a generally poor performance in attacking the less spectacular problems of day-by-day life at home.
The View at Home
Most of the domestic response to Nixon's announcement last week was highly favorable. "I'm astounded, delighted and happy," said unusually ebullient Senate Democratic Leader Mike Mansfield. "I applaud the President's imagination and judgment," declared one of Nixon's most persistent critics, Democratic Presidential Contender George McGovern. Republicans generally were just as enthusiastic. Senate Republican Whip Robert P. Griffin called the plan "a stunning and hopeful development." Only a few conservatives raised any initial protest. Colorado Republican Peter Dominick termed it a "disaster" and attacked summitry: "Roosevelt did it and we had Yalta; Kennedy did it and we had the Berlin Wall and Cuban missile crisis." Columnist William Buckley Jr. complained that "F.D.R. would have hesitated to go to Berlin to wine and dine with Adolf Hitler—but we are about to do that, and all the liberals who can't stand the Greek colonels are jumping for joy." The Rev. Carl McIntire, far-right chairman of the Viet Nam "March for Victory" committee, charged that Nixon "has abandoned all moral principles—it is like God and the devil having a high-level meeting."
Obviously some U.S. conservatives will fight a vocal rear-guard action for Chiang Kaishek. Ironically, the announcement of the Nixon-Chou meeting came during what Chiang's supporters in the U.S. had designated "Free China Week." But Nixon's anti-Communist credentials make him far less vulnerable than a liberal Democratic President would be. Besides, conservative critics of Nixon's move will probably have no practical outlet for their political frustrations. Apart from their total inexperience on the international scene, neither Ronald Reagan nor George Wallace could hope to challenge a Nixon who has settled or seems about to settle the war—and has in the past befriended countless conservatives on the issues of school integration and law-and-order. Some politicians do believe, however, that Vice President Spiro Agnew has been strengthened by Nixon's move. He tends to protect Nixon's right flank; he spoke out bluntly against Ping Pong diplomacy in April. Dumping him could hurt Nixon still more on the right, causing some in that constituency to sit out the election.
Why Nixon Acted