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This transitional government would be able to take some kinds of steps by decree. Initial acts would probably include several of the promised economic and social measures. Among them: raising the minimum wage by 25%, to $600 a month, and increasing family allowances. But major reforms, such as nationalizations and the reduction of the work week, would require parliamentary approval. Mitterrand would be most unlikely to get it from the present 491-member National Assembly, in which the center-right holds 274 seats, compared with 117 for the Socialists and 86 for the Communists.
Therein lies the greatest immediate challenge of Mitterrand's administration: he inherits a constitution that makes government difficult when the President and Parliament represent different political groupings. That situation, though common in the U.S., has not occurred in France since Charles de Gaulle founded and designed the Fifth Republic in 1958 to favor the center-right. The constitution gives enormous powers to the President. He can dissolve the National Assembly once a year and he has strong control over Parliament. The controversial "article 49," for example, allows the President's Premier to ram legislation through Parliament without a vote by invoking the Government's "responsibility." The Assembly can block such moves only by taking the drastic step of voting a motion of no confidence, which forces the Premier and his entire Cabinet to resign. Parliament has no power to remove the President himself; but it could make it impossible for him to govern, thus forcing him to dissolve parliament and call for new elections. Since parliament now is controlled by the right-center, this is precisely what Mitterrand intends to do. The new legislative elections will probably take place in the latter half of June.
Mitterrand is hoping his victory will create a bandwagon effect that will carry large numbers of Socialist candidates to victory. But since the Socialists have little chance of winning a majority on their own, they will probably have to come to some agreement with the Communists in order to form a workable leftist coalition. Mitterrand is no stranger to deals with the Communists: from 1972 to 1977 the Socialists and Communists were formally allied in a Union of the Left, which was shattered on the eve of the 1978 legislative elections when Communist Leader Georges Marchais suddenly upped the ante by demanding key Cabinet posts. This time, though the Communists are again calling for portfolios, the Socialists feel sufficiently strong to resist Marchais's arm-twisting tactics. After Mitterrand's inauguration, the Socialists will begin negotiations on a "government contract" with the Communists. For Mitterrand, the crucial trick will be to satisfy the Communists, perhaps by promising them some minor Cabinet posts, without alienating the center.
But Mitterrand's opponents had little cause to gloat over the left's internal bickering, for the smoldering feud between Giscard and the Gaullists exploded into an open rift last week. Without naming him directly, Giscard publicly blasted Chirac for not backing him enthusiastically. He seethingly referred to "premeditated acts of treason."