DEFENSE: Arming to Disarm in the Age of Detente

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other." In this sense, the real danger lies in giving an impression that there is an imbalance in nuclear power in favor of the Russians that would breed insecurity. Adds the Hudson Institute's Brennan: "Either we persuade the Soviets to accept reasonable limitations on strategic forces or we are obliged to maintain our forces at a level that will prevent the Soviet Union from having superiority or believing that they have superiority."

Just that was supposed to take place at the SALT II talks, which began in Geneva last March to seek a permanent agreement on limiting offensive nuclear arms. However, those talks appear to have bogged down. Under pressure from the Pentagon and Congressmen like Democratic Senator Henry ("Scoop") Jackson of Washington, who believe that the U.S. conceded too much at SALT I, President Nixon has insisted that the permanent agreement give both countries roughly equal numbers of nuclear weapons. Last October the Russians reportedly offered to halt technological improvements at the level attained by the U.S. but insisted on keeping the numerical advantage granted them by SALT I. The Soviet obduracy has led Jackson to conclude that Russia does not "view the SALT deliberations as a path to mutual security through nuclear stability based on strategic equality." As one Pentagon strategist puts it, "It is clear to all that the Russians want superiority and then they will be ready to talk to us about deals."

New Weapons. To get the talks moving, the Administration wants "bargaining chips" in the form of new weapons and argues that they may prove even more necessary if the talks fail. Nixon's budget request includes $1.3 billion to continue accelerating the development of the Trident missile-firing submarine, which eventually will cost $1.3 billion each to produce. The Navy wants Tridents to start replacing Polaris submarines in 1978. The budget also contains $500 million for development of the B-l bomber. The Air Force hopes to buy 244 of them for $11 billion by 1980 as a successor to aging B-52s. In addition, the Air Force wants $20.6 million to test-fire eight Minuteman missiles from their silos in Montana 5,000 miles into the Pacific to demonstrate the system's reliability. The budget also would permit researchers to begin work on several new weapons systems. Among the items:

> $125 million for cruise missiles that could be fired from either submarines or airplanes. Powered throughout its flight by a jet engine, the 15-ft.-long missile would fly up to 1,500 miles, hugging the surface to elude Soviet radar, and deliver its warhead squarely on target.

> $248 million for advanced ICBM technology. Included in it is money for a new nuclear warhead called MaRV (for maneuverable re-entry vehicle) that could change direction in flight—something no country's ICBMS do now—to evade defensive missiles. It also would be more accurate than any existing Minuteman warhead.

> $16 million for the propulsion system of the Narwhal, a new small submarine that would carry an undetermined number of nuclear-tipped missiles and be so fast and maneuverable that it could presumably evade Soviet antisubmarine forces for years to come, though the Soviets have a surprise abuilding in that area themselves (see picture box below).

As further pressure on the Soviets

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