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Romney followed up his plea for a discussion of the issues by remarking that he could support Nixon if the other Republican Governors went that way. Then Montana's Tim Babcock, previously thought to be holding out for Ronald Reagan, announced loudly that he would support Nixon, and that half the Republican Governors would do the same. It was after that—just a few hours after the Romney press conference—that Rockefeller issued his statement of availability. Said George Hinman: "We decided that we simply had to clear up his position."
The First T.K.O. In making his half move, Rockefeller obviously bought time for himself. He has given the brokers who select and control delegates reason to pause in the coming weeks before committing themselves to Nixon. Some of his own support may solidify, a favorite son or two may be won over, and a write-in campaign in a smallish, friendly state like Oregon could yield vastly encouraging results. Nixon, meanwhile, might blunder or falter.
Yet there are also new risks. The write-in efforts that now have Rockefeller's consent could fizzle. Speaking out on controversial issues could renew enmity as well as arouse a following. The press that gave Romney such a bad time will now be dissecting Rockefeller's every move to see whether the "draft" meets his own criteria of being "meaningful, natural and genuine."
As it did for Rockefeller, Romney's withdrawal presented Nixon with new choices and alternatives. One of his biggest tasks, by his own admission, is to prove to the skeptical that he can win elections again. Nixon has not, after all, won a general election in his own right since his 1950 Senate race. The primaries were to have been his means, and George Romney the man conveniently heading the loser's column. By driving Romney out of New Hampshire before the vote, Nixon certainly demonstrated strength rather than weakness. It was, as one of his aides put it, "the first T.K.O. in American politics."
Whomping the Old. Yet a clean knockout, with the vanquished being carried off bloodied and limp in view of all, would certainly have been more meaningful. As Nixon himself said last week: "The question is not just winning the primaries. It is how they are won." The spectacle of Nixon whomping Harold Stassen from New Hampshire to Nebraska would hardly electrify the voters. Another possible problem for Nixon is the effect of last week's events on Ronald Reagan's position. The Californian's backers believe that Rockefeller can stop Nixon—something Romney could not do—and thus revive Reagan's chances as the compromise conservative choice of the convention.