Though he has been in power less than six months, Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev has already become a more vibrant presence to the 278 million citizens of the U.S.S.R. than his recent aged and often ailing predecessors. Promising a top-to-bottom shakeup of the lethargic state bureaucracy, cracking down on alcoholism, mingling with street crowds in the manner of a handshaking, baby-kissing American politician, Gorbachev (pronounced Gor-ba- choff) is the most vigorous Soviet leader in a generation. At 54, he could be expected to have a long career as the ruler of a superpower. His personality and political instincts ensure that the Western world will see much of him. But to date his unofficial meetings with the West have been few. Last week he invited the editors of TIME to his Kremlin office for the first private interview he has given to a Western news organization since assuming power. His goal: to deliver a major message to the West, one that would elaborate his deep concerns--and his hopes--for U.S.-Soviet relations.
In 2 hr. 12 min. of conversation--a full hour more than he had scheduled --Gorbachev showed himself well informed, urbane, energetic, tough, witty and above all in possession of a disciplined intellect. He reflected most elements of the traditional Soviet hard line, but not in the familiar pedantic Soviet style. His main points, some delivered as written replies to questions submitted in advance, others made orally and spontaneously:
On U.S.-Soviet relations: "That situation today is highly complex, very tense. I would even go so far as to say it is explosive." The reason, said Gorbachev, is that in the roughly two months since he agreed to a November summit meeting with President Reagan in Geneva, the U.S. has rejected every overture from the Soviet Union, such as its proposals for moratoriums on tests of nuclear and antisatellite weapons, as "one more propaganda exercise by Moscow." Because of this "shortage of responsibility" in Washington, relations between the superpowers "are continuing to deteriorate, the arms race is intensifying, and the war threat is not subsiding."
On prospects for the summit: "It looks as if the stage is being set (by Washington) for a bout between some kind of political 'supergladiators,' with the only thought in mind being how best to deal a deft blow at the opponent." He implied that the U.S. is deliberately trying to engineer a failure. There is still time to prepare to reach specific agreements, but not much time, he said. In fact, "the train might have already left the station."
On arms control: Unless the U.S. agrees to stop work on its Star Wars program, which aims to develop a shield against atomic warheads, "it will not be possible to reach an agreement on the limitation and reduction of (offensive) nuclear weapons either . . . Thus, if the present U.S. position on space weapons is its last word, the Geneva negotiations will lose all sense." (The reference was not to the forthcoming summit but to arms- limitation talks already under way in the Swiss city.) But Gorbachev was significantly more flexible on the issue of defensive research than his negotiators have been.