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The Democratic television response, starring Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis with a supporting cast of Democratic lawmakers and voters, was earnest, but it lacked the force and polish of the Great Communicator's speech and offered little in the way of alternative programs. It argued that the poor and disadvantaged have not shared in the economic recovery, and warned that high deficits are a grave long-term threat. The Republicans, contended Oklahoma Senator David Boren, are "saying live for today and don't worry about tomorrow."
Out on the hustings, Walter Mondale, Reagan's likely Democratic opponent, charged that the President's speech "ducked" all the "central issues" by not offering specifics. That was exactly what Reagan intended. Marveled Democratic Congressman Tim Wirth of Colorado: "It was as brilliant a performance as I've ever seen, with strikingly little substance."
The next day Reagan was on the road, flashing partisan fire. In Atlanta, for what amounted to some stump-speaking practice, he told a flag-waving "Spirit of America" rally of 13,000, "To those who say we must turn back to tax, tax, spend, spend, I can only reply, not on your life! The best view of Big Government is in the rear-view mirror as we leave it behind." He got in an obvious shot at Mondale, observing that while John F. Kennedy had told Americans to ask themselves what they could do for then-country, "today we see candidates trying to buy support by telling people what the country will do for them and making promises to interest groups."
Throughout the week, Reagan's fabled luck held. Wall Street, always easily spooked by phantoms, went into a sudden swoon just before the State of the Union speech; traders bid the Dow Jones industrial average down almost eleven points on a rumor that the President had decided not to run. That only underscored Reagan's popularity among investors. Soviet President Yuri Andropov, of all people, gave Reagan an indirect boost by issuing a generally conciliatory statement hinting at possible resumption of Washington-Moscow nuclear-arms-control negotiations. By Sunday night Reagan was ready for a party. He summoned 400 campaign officials to a 6 p.m. reception in the East Room of the White House, then had them bused to the Mayflower Hotel, where they joined hundreds of other Republicans to watch the announcement speech on large TV screens and to stage a rally lasting well into the early morning hours.
Reagan starts the campaign as the clear favorite. Polls show him scoring some of the highest ratings of his presidency; in a New York Times/CBS News survey released last week, 57% of those questioned generally approved of the way he is doing his job. The same poll had Reagan piling up commanding leads of 48% to 32% over Mondale and 51% to 29% over Senator John Glenn of Ohio. Other surveys show slimmer margins, and Gallup actually puts Reagan neck and neck with either Mondale or Glenn. But in no poll does the President trail nationally.