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Kennedy has no basic disagreement with Carter's economic views, but like Carter has given no clear idea of how he would solve inflation and other economic problems. He does charge that Carter has not been pushing his policies aggressively enough. Says Kennedy: "I believe those economists who say that psychology contributes at least 50% to the state of the economy. This economy has been managed erratically. Problems weren't seen ahead of time." For instance, he says, he would have established wage and price guidelines earlier than Carter and backed them with strong pressure from the White House. Kennedy is more inclined than Carter to propose a tax cut early next year to stimulate the economy.
On energy, Kennedy originally opposed ending Government regulation of crude oil prices, calling decontrol "the worst form of rationing because it is rationing by price." Nowadays, however, he seems resigned to Carter's decision to abolish price controls. Kennedy is also skeptical of Carter's synthetic-fuels program. The Senator favors encouraging conservation, and he has proposed making available $34 billion in grants and loans to homeowners and industry for energy-saving projects.
Politicians are divided over whether Kennedy is hurting himself by edging toward the center on too many issues. Many agree with liberal Democrat Gaylord Nelson of Wisconsin that "it is inevitable in a campaign for you to moderate your views." Democratic Senator Patrick Leahy of Vermont disagrees. Says he: "People where I come from want their leaders to take a position. Those who try to shift with the wind tend to lose."
Though Kennedy's overall philosophy sometimes seems uncertain, there is no doubt about his skill at the profession of politics. He has a natural instinct for the feel and flavor of it, the ebb and flow of events, the camaraderie of the people involved. His expertise is both instinctive and the result of years of training, first under the aegis of his brothers and then in the Senate. He became a Senator in 1963 at the age of 30, almost inheriting the seat that had once been held by his brother Jack and then kept warm by a Kennedy lieutenant until Teddy reached the Senate's minimum legal age. ("If your name was Edward Moore your candidacy would be a joke," his defeated Democratic rival said bitterly during the 1962 primary campaign.)
At first, Kennedy impressed colleagues mostly by his unexpected deference to his seniors. Gradually, however, he increased in stature and influence. Then the death of his brother Robert heaped personal responsibilities on him, making him the leader of the Kennedy clan, and that made him a more serious figure in the Senate as well. He carved out areas of expertise in civil rights and law enforcement, hired better staffers, did his homework and became a sharp debater.
In 1969 he was elected Democratic whip, making him second in command to Majority Leader Mike Mansfield. In the aftermath of Chappaquiddick, however, Kennedy became distracted, neglected the job and left too many of his responsibilities to the No. 3 Democratic leader, Robert Byrd of West Virginia. Byrd did the work so well that he upset Kennedy for the post in 1971.