THE CRISIS: Seven Tumultuous Days

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no way to still the argument (see box page 15).

As the international tensions eased, Nixon was forced back on the domestic griddle. Some of Nixon's most ardent defenders in the Congress, including Congressman Ford, Senator Hugh Scott and Watergate Committee Member Edward Gurney, warned Nixon that he must appoint a new independent prosecutor; if not, Congress assuredly would.

For the third time during the week, Nixon retreated to Camp David. Once again his plans to defend himself had changed. Now his press conference was scheduled for Friday.

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 26

When Nixon finally did appear, the tense 40-minute press conference showed neither press nor President at their best. He was tossed questions on the Middle East, even on the oil crisis, which he handled confidently at time-consuming length. On a pointed question about the tapes, Nixon insisted that Cox had to be fired because he alone opposed the Stennis compromise, while Nixon, the Attorney General, Senators Ervin and Baker had approved it—wholly ignoring the fact that both Richardson and Ervin had expressed sharp reservations about the plan in the form that was so suddenly announced by Nixon.

Just when Nixon seemed to be sliding past the few difficult questions, however, he lashed out at television commentators and snapped acidly at a CBS newsman: "Don't get the impression that you arouse my anger. You see, one can only be angry with those he respects." The President hesitated and grinned as shouts for his attention continued. Moments later, he oddly tried to soften the outburst by saying that he had meant commentators, not reporters.

What most disturbed his critics was Nixon's lack of guarantees that the new special prosecutor, to be appointed by Acting Attorney General Bork, would be any freer than Cox in gaining access to presidential papers or other needed tapes. Nixon said that no litigation will be needed by the prosecutor to get most nonpresidential White House evidence because these matters "can be worked out." But there is no real room for compromise, especially on evidence that might possibly implicate the President. Nixon vowed to grant the prosecutor "cooperation" and "independence," but that fell well short of what Cox had once been guaranteed.

Moreover, Bork's search might not prove easy. TIME has learned that his first nominee was rejected by Nixon, apparently on the ground of the man's political leanings. If that is true, both Nixon and Bork still have a lot to learn. Bork had not even been inquiring into the politics of his nominees, on the proper, but apparently naive assumption that after all that has happened Nixon would not dare insert politics into his choice.

SATURDAY, OCTOBER 27

The President's many critics on Capitol Hill were not in the least persuaded by Nixon's press conference, and the Congress seemed determined to approve its own proposals for a special prosecutor totally beyond the reach of the White House. Even Senate Republican Leader Hugh Scott was less than enthusiastic. Said he: "I am glad the President has agreed to name a special prosecutor. It should be done under such arrangement as to assure his total independence." Declared Republican Senator Edward Brooke: "The American people are entitled to and expect the facts. They did not

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