THE CRISIS: Seven Tumultuous Days

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chairman. Baker discussed the plan with Nixon's aides for an hour before Ervin agreed to it under presidential pressure, and Baker clearly had a better understanding of its larger impact on Cox and the criminal cases. Rums Edmisten, deputy counsel to the Ervin committee, felt that the White House had taken advantage of Ervin's "good faith." Said Edmisten: "He's always operated that way; he assumes everyone else does too."

Announcing that he would make a speech on the affair the next night, Nixon again went to Camp David.

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 24

The Nixon staff, confident that the willingness to release the tapes had taken the steam out of the impeachment drive, was dismayed to find that criticism of the President continued. The drastic reversals in policy by Nixon even seemed to worry some critics anew. In a particularly unkind cut, AFL-CIO President George Meany not only said that his union still wanted Nixon out of office, but added: "The events of the last several days prove the dangerous emotional instability of the President." The White House felt obliged to dignify this with a reply. Deputy Press Secretary Gerald Warren called it one of "the most incredible, inexcusable and irresponsible statements ever made by anyone who is in a position to have his comments and remarks carried in the national news media."

Despite the settlement with Sirica, the number of telegrams had soared past 220,000; White House officials reported receiving "mountains" of messages. The Senate Watergate committee had counted 8,000, only ten favoring the firing of Cox. The special prosecutor's former office got 10,000. Senator Tunney's tabulation had passed 8,000, while Senator Goldwater said that even after the tapes reversal the ratio of protests was running 80 to 1 against Nixon.

As the possibility of impeachment loomed more seriously, the fate of Ford's nomination as Vice President became more urgent. Rodino said that the Democratic majority on the House Judiciary Committee had decided to proceed with hearings on Ford simultaneously with its impeachment inquiry. While no timetable was set, the Democratic majority wants to cushion the impact of possible impeachment by keeping the White House in Republican hands and assuring the continuation of Nixon's general foreign and domestic policies. Ford's elevation also would avert a bitter partisan fight over succession; Speaker Albert has no longing for the presidency. The Senate Rules Committee had also decided to move promptly on Ford, awaiting only a full background check by 70 FBI agents before setting hearings.

Rodino, the man on whom both the Ford and impeachment hearings most directly fall, is 64, a silver-haired liberal Democrat and 25-year House veteran who represents a Newark-area district with a majority of black voters. A lawyer who writes poetry and loves opera, he nevertheless is popular in a tough-talking city where politics is rough. He voted against such technological projects as the ABM and the SST. He succeeded New York's Emanuel Cellar as judiciary chairman last January after Celler was defeated for reelection.

The focus of discontent with Nixon now shifted directly to the Cox firing. More than 20 resolutions were introduced in both chambers either directing Nixon to reinstate the special prosecutor's post,