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Noise in Aleppo. It seems unlikely that any kind of federation with centralized authority will emerge. What is possible is a loose alliance, with harmonized defense and foreign policies. There might also be a degree of economic cooperation among the three nations, possibly including even Yemen, which is so backward that it has been described as "rushing into the 13th century." Such a system of sovereign states would represent a tacit admission that Arabs are not all alike and that their interests do not always coincide. The fact that the talks between Syrians, Iraqis and Egyptians have not yet produced anything concrete is less important than the fact that they are, at least, talking to one another and not screaming imprecations as they have done so often in the past.
But already some Arabs were becoming impatient. There were pro-Nasser demonstrations in the Syrian port of Aleppo. In Damascus a tough young Nasserite who had moved directly from a prison cell to an ornate government office dismissed the Baathists as ideologists, not political leaders. "We are going to run Syria with Nasser the way we want," he said. "We are going to unite with Egypt the way Nasser wants."
Blasting Paths? The fact that the Middle East is so consistently combustible and has so low an ignition point makes its affairs of deep importance to other powers. In the old city of Jerusalem last week, Arabs were jarred by recurrent dull explosions in the border areas, and there was speculation that Israeli demolition squads were blowing up old mines in no man's land to clear lanes for an advance into Jordan should King Hussein be overthrown by Nasserites.
Israel is not impressed by suggestions that Egypt's ruler has given up his domineering ways. One official in Tel Aviv warned: "Nasser finds it difficult to resist temptation. Success turns his head, and being basically a military man, he thinks in terms of external expansion." The Israeli government sees a hint of Nasser's dreams of grandeur in his Yemen adventure, which has already tied up one-third of his army. Israel's stated policy is that any change in the internal situation of her Arab neighbors affecting the security of her borders would free Israel of her under taking to maintain the status quo. Many Arabs fear that Israel would move troops straight to the west bank of the Jordan River if Hussein's regime collapses.
Fat or Thin. Britain's present relations with Egypt are correct but cool. While recognizing Nasser's pre-eminence in the Arab world and his great abilities, the British remain wary of the man and his policies. Understandably, Britain is worried about the future of its few remaining Middle East colonies and its important oil interests. "Nasser's own stand on oil is ambiguous," complains one diplomat. "Of course, he would like to control oil-rich Kuwait, but so would everyone else."