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In the end, it was difficult if not impossible for an impartial observer to support either side without reservation. Those who rejected Biafra's secession as a perilous example for the rest of Africa were nonetheless appalled by the widespread misery and starvation inflicted on its people. Those who saw Biafra's breakaway as an unexceptionable attempt to achieve self-determination found it difficult to explain why the Ijaws, Efiks, Ibibios and other minorities under Ojukwu's rule seemed so unhappy —or why Ojukwu, in the early days of the war, tried to seize territory with non-Ibo majorities. In the long months of bickering over how relief supplies should be distributed to the starving women and children of Biafra, neither Gowon nor Ojukwu looked good. Gowon was accused of using starvation as a weapon to force Biafra into submission, Ojukwu of using it as a public-relations gimmick to win sympathy for his people. In retrospect, it is difficult to refute either charge completely.
Blood Money
During the chaotic days of Biafra's collapse and surrender, many nations and international organizations moved hastily in an effort to repair the damage and help the victims. In Washington, for example, President Nixon used the White House hot line twice last week to talk to Britain's Prime Minister Harold Wilson about aiding the defeated rebels. The East Bloc countries, however, withheld compassion. The Polish press insisted that Western relief activities were "gross interference in Nigeria's internal affairs."
Gowon seemed to agree. To punish those who had aided Biafra during the war, he barred any aid from several agencies and nations. "Let them keep their blood money," he declared angrily. "Let them keep their bloody relief supplies." Nigeria's chief was particularly annoyed with Pope Paul VI, who told a crowd in St. Peter's Square that "the victory of arms may carry with it the killing of numberless people. There are those who actually fear a kind of genocide." Gowon, whose tactics for three years have been designed to limit casualties, bristled at the reference to "genocide." In the streets of Lagos, student demonstrators appeared with placards recommending THE HOTTEST PARTS OF HELL FOR THE POPE.
Misguided Chauvinism
Judging by initial reports from the collapsed Biafran pocket, the sword of genocide was a lesser threat than the strangling knot of slow starvation. Some Biafrans, according to relief workers, had not eaten for eight days before the capitulation. Afterward, they fled into the bush, where there was nothing to chew on but butterflies. Even so, Gowon allowed no aid without approval from Lagos. "Nigeria will do this itself," he said firmly.
Despite what appears to be misguided chauvinism on the relief issue, Gowon seemed prepared to behave as a generous victor in other respects. To the Ibos in general, he said: "We know that most of you were dragged into this. May I welcome you back into the fold?" The general called for three days of prayer and pleaded with the remainder of Nigeria's 53 million people not to reject the Ibo rebels. "Let us join hands to build a truly united and great nation," he said.