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Mitchell was not universally popular in the Nixon entourage. He signed on later than some of the charter mem bers, and a few of the campaign aides found his no-nonsense attitude auto cratic. He stayed high in Nixon's esteem, however, and soon after the election the boss pegged him for Attorney General, refusing to take no for an answer. It will be Mitchell's task to make good on one of Nixon's most specific campaign pledges: to check the rising crime rate by improving law enforcement and related services. Mitchell's personal views and record in this field are invisible. If he is going to come anywhere near to fulfilling Nixon's rhetoric, the Justice Department will have to adopt more of a police approach, with less emphasis on civil liberties than existed under Ramsey Clark and Nicholas Katzenbach. Mitchell is likely to employ wiretapping against organized crime. His department will draw up new legislation providing federal help for local police services.
Manning the Pentagon
Finding the right man to be Secretary of Defense proved a more difficult chore. At first the President-elect considered retaining Clifford, who would have supplied both experience in the job and the Democratic presence that Nixon wanted for the Cabinet. Then Nixon decided against keeping any of the present Cabinet officers. Using Florida Democrat George Smathers as their intermediary, the Nixon camp next sounded out Democratic Senator Henry ("Scoop") Jackson of Washington. Jackson expressed interest, but had a number of conditions. Among them was an agreement that Nixon would persuade Governor Dan Evans, a Republican, to appoint a Democrat as Jackson's successor.
Nixon was so eager to recruit Jackson that he was willing to forego the gain of a Senate seat. Jackson, however, was advised by fellow Democrats that he would be foolish to surrender 16 years of seniority for the politically hazardous post of Defense Secretary, where he could become a lightning rod for criticism from his own party. Jackson withdrew a week before Nixon wanted to announce the Cabinet.
Nixon then turned to Melvin Laird, who is regarded as one of the shrewdest Republicans on Capitol Hill as well as one of the best-versed in public policy. For 14 of his 16 years in the House, he has been on the Appropriations Subcommittee, dealing with Defense, and has become an expert in the field. He knows the department's budget thoroughly, is acquainted with many military leaders, and has an intimate knowledge of Pentagon practices and politics. Laird was also an outspoken critic of McNamara on a number of is sues, berating him, as did other conservatives on Capitol Hill, for ignoring the professional judgment of the military chiefs and for failing to procure more new weapons systems.
In 1962, Laird published A House Divided—America's Strategy Gap, which argued strongly in favor of the rockiest of hard lines in military and foreign policy. He inveighed against 20th century revolutionary movements, and condemned the United Nations as "dominated