A NEW ADMINISTRATION TAKES SHAPE

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of previous involvement in diplomacy—several German papers referred to him as an unbeschrie-benes Blatt (blank page)—is not a drawback as far as Nixon is concerned. He intends to be his own policymaker in foreign affairs; most Presidents are. Nixon has often called diplomacy his "strong suit," the field in which he will "call the turn," and does not need another John Foster Dulles. He does need an able administrator to run, and, if possible, streamline a disorganized department, a skilled and well-liked advocate on Capitol Hill, a shrewd and discerning representative in dealings with allies and foes abroad. For these assignments Rogers is already qualified. Nixon emphasized that his friend was a "superb negotiator" and recalled his own previous statements that the time had come for an "era of negotiation" with the Communists.

As for advocating specific policies, Rogers is not expected to be bashful once he has immersed himself in the subject. His associates speak of him as anything but a mere mouthpiece, rather as one who is likely to assert his own and his department's views vigorously. Having total access to the President will be an obvious advantage. Senator Jacob Javits thinks the Nixon-Rogers relationship "might be like that of John and Robert Kennedy." If so, State may regain some of the influence it lost to the Pentagon when it could not compete with the strong leadership of former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara.

Like many of his colleagues in the new Cabinet, Bill Rogers comes to his job both free of the burden of past commitments and unscarred by old fights. Says Under Secretary of State Nicholas Katzenbach: "Rogers doesn't have to live with a lot of previously written books." In an interview with TIME Cor respondent Jess Cook Jr., Rogers observed: "I haven't any emotional ties to the past. I'm not associated with any school of thought. Sure, there are some disadvantages in that I don't have the background of others. I'm going to do a lot of listening and reading in the next 30 or 40 days." High on his reading list were the works of Professor Henry Kissinger, who will be Nixon's Assistant for National Security Affairs.

The Problems Abroad

Blank page or not, Rogers next month will have to face the full range of troubles overseas. His overriding concern, of course, will be Viet Nam. His personal views on that are a mystery. "I have never said or written a word about Viet Nam," he observed. "I'm very happy about that." He will have to start speaking soon enough on this and other subjects. While Nixon never became very precise during the campaign on foreign policy issues, his general statements —and the obvious pressure points overseas—provide a relatively clear agenda.

In the likely event that there will be no breakthrough in the Paris talks in the next month, the new Administration must then attempt to find a settlement formula. If he cannot achieve the "honorable" terms he talked of during the campaign, Nixon's prospects for a successful Administration are practically nil. Beyond Viet Nam, Nixon is pledged to a "new diplomacy." Its aim is to concentrate heavily on the search for common ground with the Soviets and the rehabilitation of the Atlantic Alliance, to reach understanding