Western Europe last week made it abundantly clear to France's Charles de Gaulle that his arrogant scheme to stamp Europe's unity movement with his own pattern of a French-led continent is not going to work. As delegates gathered in confusion in Brussels for another effort to squeeze Britain into the Common Market despite De Gaulle's haughty non, the outcry against the grandiose dreams of le grand Charles echoed in every Western capital.
Belgium's Senate passed a unanimous resolution condemning French intransigence and demanding that talks with Britain be resumed. "A diktat" roared Belgian Foreign Minister Paul-Henri Spaak of De Gaulle's presumption to act as all Europe's spokesman. "Our problem is the personality of General de Gaulle. We are not only against his methods but also against his reasons, which are false." If Britain is left out, declared Dutch Foreign Minister Joseph Luns, "the idea of a united Europe will be in crisis." Italy's Premier Amintore Fanfani called it a menace to NATO itself.
Unthinkable Europe. When West Germany's 87-year-old Chancellor Konrad Adenauer returned to Bonn after signing the Franco-German Treaty of Cooperation in Paris, he got jeers instead of cheers for kowtowing to France's leader. Angry headlines lashed his failure to hold out for Britain's Common Market entry as part of the bargain; and, what was worse, the Bonn Cabinet itself promptly slapped der Alte with a unanimous vote to support the British in Brussels. "Europe without Britain is unthinkable," declared Vice Chancellor Ludwig Erhard, leader of the West German Common Market delegation. From the Bundestag came strong warnings that legislators will refuse to ratify Adenauer's pact unless De Gaulle's selfish whim is thwarted.
Not very many Germans or very many other Europeans could be happy with the grandiose task Charles de Gaulle had set himself. In the long run, it was creation of a Gaullist third force in the great-powers equation. En route, he was rejecting supranational Europe, brushing aside the proposed multilateral nuclear deterrent to preserve total weapons sovereignty for himself, rebuffing Britain for frankly selfish political reasons, and, in fact, rejecting the whole Atlantic Community concept with its overtones of American participation. It was perhaps the U.S. voice in Europe that De Gaulle feared most. He was even preparing to control the influx of American capital into France with tight new financial regulations (see WORLD BUSINESS). "This Europe that Monsieur Luns and Monsieur Spaak want," sneered a Gaullist Deputy, "this Europe patronized by American generals and General Motors."
Pasta & Fiats. As the waves of criticism rolled over him, De Gaulle loftily dismissed suggestions that his proposals might break up the entire Common Market scheme. "Nobody will quit the Common Market," he sniffed at a reception for members of the French Parlia ment. "Italy, for example. We send her iron and coal, and we buy her pasta and Fiats. She's very happy." As for Britain, he snapped contemptuously, "Britain has given back to America what atomic force she had. She could just as well have turned it over to Europe. Well, she's chosen."