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a minimum standard of living below which they will allow none to sink. They also like to claim that they will provide the same social services at less cost, which is electoral nonsense. One idea that the Tory brain-trusters are now considering is to make a charge for inexpensive medical drugs or treatment for minor ailments, but to give expensive drugs and major attention free to those who cannot afford to pay.
The Differences That Matter
There are no important differences between Tories on defense and foreign policy. Together they criticize Labor's administration of the defense program, but do not think a greater effort possible at this time.
Tory quarrels with Labor on foreign policy boil down to the claim that Eden would be a more efficient Foreign Secretary. Says one Tory: "The process has always had three stages. The first is a statement by Mr. Churchill of the necessary course to take, the second a denunciation by the Prime Minister of Mr. Churchill's ideas as puerile, the third the adoption of Mr. Churchill's ideas by the government."
From all these circumstances has grown one of the most widespread illusions about this crucial election: that little really separates Tories from Socialists. In fact, there are two all-important differences: 1) the difference between the man who believes in free enterprise, and only imposes controls when he sees no alternative, and the man who believes in state ownership and planning for their own sake; 2) the presence of Nye Bevan. No one doubts the patriotism of Mr. Attlee or that of the Labor Party, and Attlee has never weakened on the defense program, but it is evident that if he returned to power he would have trouble putting it over in the face of Bevan's opposition in his own party. Bevan believes that the Russian threat is exaggerated, and that Americans are "atom happy."
It is hard to dodge a conclusion that the Briton who is willing and able to take more than a narrow view of his own interest must take a chance with the Tories.
But, at election time, it would be Utopian to expect everyone to take more than a narrow view of his own interests. Looked at in that lazy but human light, the Tories ask for more hard work before they can promise rewards, while Labor offers the comforts as well as the inconveniences of inflation, plus the vague assurance that somehow everyone will be looked after.
The Tories are appealing not to the Briton's traditional ability to tighten his belt, but—and profoundly—to his sense of human and national greatness.
Greatness is a subject upon which the Englishman is usually inarticulate. But the Tories like Selwyn Lloyd and David Eccles are deeply conscious of it. They know that this is a country which must live on its wits, not on its resources. They know that the Briton is born with, or has acquired through the centuries, a gift for leadership which the world can ill afford to spare. They know Britons are tired, but they don't think Britons are ready to abdicate.