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The U.S.-Iranian talks proceeded on two tracks, one concerning general political questions, the other the hostages in Lebanon. The Americans did their best to keep the two tracks separate, but inevitably they tended to merge, if only because the same people, notably North, were involved in both sets of talks. American officials insist that their prime purpose in agreeing to arms transfers was to cultivate influence with potential future leaders of Iran. Apparently, the Administration thought these men might feel gratitude to the U.S. for supplying arms that Iran critically needs to fight its war with Iraq. But a senior Administration official concedes that the subjects of arms and the release of hostages became "linked."
In some minds the linkage began very early. In July 1985, Israeli businessmen who had been in contact with Iranian officials told Shimon Peres, then Israel's Prime Minister, that they thought a swap of arms for U.S. hostages could be arranged. Peres presumably communicated that information promptly to Ronald Reagan. The story in Jerusalem is that the White House designated Poindexter to look into the idea, and he named North as liaison with Israel. In any case, the Israeli businessmen were authorized by Peres to resume contacts and strike a deal with the Iranians. The executives turned to Adnan Khashoggi, a famed Saudi Arabian wheeler-dealer and an extremely wealthy businessman. He got a long shopping list from Tehran that included Hawk antiaircraft missiles and radar-guidance equipment for them, antitank missiles, and spare parts for jet fighters.
Lebanese terrorists influenced by Iran released one of their American captives, the Rev. Benjamin Weir, on Sept. 14, 1985. According to Israeli reports, President Reagan telephoned Peres to thank him for Israel's help in securing Weir's freedom. Five days later Iran got some of the Hawk missiles and guidance equipment that had been on the shopping list relayed through Businessman Khashoggi. They are said to have been delivered by a DC-8 cargo plane that was once owned by a Miami-based air-transport company. The aircraft took off from Tabriz, Iran, disappeared from radar screens over Turkey, made what was supposed to be a "forced landing" in Israel and later returned to Iran by a circuitous route.
More arms transfers followed. Israel so far this year has shipped roughly $40 million worth of military equipment to Iran, largely artillery and tank ammunition, and spare parts for fighter planes. In itself, this is unremarkable. Israel has been selling arms to Iran on and off since the Khomeini government took power in 1979, originally in a successful effort to win permission for Iranian Jews to emigrate to Israel. The Ayatullah is a sworn enemy of the Jewish state, but Israel too hopes to gain influence with ( Khomeini's potential successors. In addition, Israel believes that its self- interest lies in helping Iran at least to stalemate Iraq in the gulf war.