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In practical terms, Hart's gentlemanly approach suggested that his would be more of a symbolic reach for attention and influence at the convention than a serious final drive for the prize. He and his delegates would get their well-earned spotlight in the party's prime-time televised assembly. To abandon his bid for the nomination and withdraw his name completely from consideration at the convention would reduce his clout in shaping the party's platform and in working with Jackson to overhaul the delegate selection rules, which were shown to be unfair this year. "The 1,200 delegates he has now need a leader," said Connecticut Senator Christopher J. Dodd, a Hart supporter. "At the convention you can do a lot of things other than just pick a nominee."
For one thing, Hart may challenge the seating of six of Mondale's 77 Florida delegates and all 53 of his Puerto Rico delegates, arguing that election procedures in those areas violated party rules.
While still protesting that Mondale's PAC-funded delegates were "tainted," he showed no desire to seek a ruling on the issue from the convention credentials committee. The delegates involved in the controversy are from New York, Pennsylvania and Illinois, all of which were carried convincingly by Mondale. Hart knows that he would risk a sorehead image if he were to push that challenge personally at the convention.
Hart had his political future to consider. "You'll make a great President," predicted O'Neill as he spoke to Hart in a fatherly way. "But not this year." The implication was clear: if Hart plays his cards right, he would be the early Democratic favorite for 1988—that is, if Mondale does not win this fall. Arizona Congressman Morris Udall, acting as a mediator between Mondale and Hart, said of the Senator: "He knows the importance of defeating Ronald Reagan and I'm convinced he'll play a constructive role in the weeks ahead." Many Democrats are even touting him as an ideal running mate for Mondale (see following story).
In any unity drive, Mondale's political agility may be tested more in seeking Jackson's support than in persuading Hart that his long-term political interests lie in bowing to the party's majority sentiment. After winning four delegates in New Jersey, where he got 24% of the vote, and picking up 29 delegates in California, Jackson candidly assessed what Mondale and the convention planners must do to satisfy him. Said he: "The bottom line is my self-respect, and that's what they must come to grips with."
The black preacher's blurry blend of ego and principle presents the conventional Mondale with a most unconventional problem. A practitioner of political compromise, Mondale frequently asks reporters who have covered Jackson, "What does Jesse want?" The larger issue of dealing with a fervent black movement seems to elude him. Jackson, who took black votes from Mondale in the primaries but whose followers are vital to Mondale's chances in November, must be subtly massaged. He cannot be assuaged with something like a promise of a Cabinet post or an ambassadorship.