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But the real sign from the right came that night after dinner. Newt Gingrich told his staff he was attending a function in Chevy Chase, Maryland. Afterward he slipped onto the Beltway to McLean, where he arrived at Powell's front door sometime after eight. If Powell wanted some protection on his right flank, Gingrich would be essential. For weeks the Speaker had made positive if guarded comments about the general. But he had not done anything to actively push him into the race.
Until Thursday. In their meeting that night, Gingrich did nothing to discourage Powell from running. The two men repaired to the library, where they talked for two hours about the demands of a race and the toll it would take on Powell's private life. Gingrich believed a campaign would succeed--but only if Powell wanted it very badly. And as the Thursday night session ended, Powell was ready to go.
But when he awoke the next morning, the thrill was gone. The next five days, between Friday morning and the final decision Tuesday to pull the plug, were an emotional roller coaster. Powell arrived home Saturday afternoon to find his house staked out. Everyone knew a decision was coming. He spoke with a few friends by telephone that afternoon, and running was still a possibility. He even picked the announcement day--Nov. 22, the anniversary of John F. Kennedy's assassination and the eve of Thanksgiving, America's family day.
AFTER DARK, POWELL SLIPPED over to Duberstein's house, and once again they surveyed the landscape with Armitage. Duberstein didn't push Powell to run; in fact, he reminded him of the downsides. The team exchanged drafts of announcement statements--both for and against. But to Armitage, "it was clear that he was probably going to pull the plug." At that point Armitage too was trying to be a friend, not a cheerleader. "I can't help you, buddy," he said. "It's the most frustrating thing in my life that I can't. If you make a decision, I can help you. But in the end this is your decision--not mine, not your kids', not even Alma's."
Powell recalled seeing Dan Quayle on TV one night saying that if any member of your family is against your running, don't do it. Powell knew that for the first time in 33 years, his family had a husband and father, someone who was around for the grandchildren. In the final days, it was also becoming clearer that Alma's opposition was "deep, heartfelt, immutable," says Armitage. "And without his family's being squared away, I don't see how he could develop the necessary passion."
There is no way to understand what happened without listening to the people who know the man best. "I think he'd say the showstopper wasn't family vs. public office; it was 'Who I am to myself at this moment in time?'" says Michael. The power of the expectations was frightening in itself. "One person is supposed to heal 200 years of racial divide," says Powell's son. "You're supposed to moderate the Republican Party. You're supposed to create a foreign policy in the vacuum left by the cold war, solve Bosnia and lead us to a new era of prosperity and growth--all because you were a successful general and won a war." It is a charming but dangerous habit of voters to romanticize those they admire, even to the point of destroying them. Says Michael: "As George Will once put it, this is a hell of an entry-level job in politics."