(8 of 8)
Farrakhan himself offered to come to Kean College this week as a gesture of "healing" and to waive his customary fee of $15,000 to $20,000. College officials expressed surprise when told of the offer and said it would violate their rule of ensuring administrators two weeks' notice of such appearances. He will have two broader opportunities to redeem himself, however, on Arsenio Hall's syndicated TV talk show Friday and in his annual Savior's Day speech in Chicago on Feb. 27. Many moderate black leaders hope, like Chavis, that Farrakhan will edge toward them, partly because of the good the Nation of Islam does and partly because no one but Farrakhan so effectively addresses the anger of young black men.
In his interview last week, Farrakhan acknowledged his isolation: "I don't have a personal relationship with any black civil rights leader. Rev. Jackson is the only person I have socialized with, been in his home, sat at his table. Every other civil rights leader I have had occasion to meet, I have an acquaintance with. I don't pick up the phone and call any one of them."
To get closer to them, Farrakhan must abandon his racist doctrine. But can he? Apart from his historical beliefs about Jews and business frustrations he believes were caused by them, he may feel a compulsion to voice slurs. The more cynical view is that he engages in bigotry because it brings him attention.
The pivotal question is whether the appeal of the Nation of Islam -- and of Farrakhan -- is separable from his invective of hate. Leaders throughout history have found it is often easier to succumb to demagoguery, to define a single scapegoat and offer a single solution to life's ills, especially when proposing self-restraint and sacrifice. Would young people choose the hard way of Islam without the zealotry of separatism and resentment? Could Farrakhan fill the seats of big-city convention centers if he stopped offering the allure of the outrageous, the unpredictable, the unspeakable spoken out loud? Perhaps the answer to both questions is yes. Perhaps even if the answer is no, the Nation of Islam would have a brighter future if it stepped away from hatred. "Farrakhan faces a choice," says Harvard's Gates. "Does he want to be remembered as a great leader, someone who underwent transformation, like Malcolm X? Or does he want to be remembered as one more demagogue?"
The path of reform and reconciliation takes courage -- and the more power is at stake, the more courage it takes. If his moves in recent months mean anything more than tactical maneuvering, Farrakhan has his chances this week for healing. But his courage for change has already been tested once in recent weeks. And he flinched.
CHART: NOT AVAILABLE
CREDIT: From a telephone poll of 503 African Americans taken for TIME/CNN on ^ Feb 16-17 by Yankelovich Partners Inc. Sampling error is plus or minus 4.5%.
CAPTION: How African Americans See It
Which of these descriptions apply to Louis Farrakhan?
What is the main problem facing the country today?
Do you think Farrakhan's opinions and behavior improve relations between blacks and whites in this country?
Do these groups have too much power?
Have relations between blacks and Jews got better or worse?