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The '60s were torn with passion, from the death of Kennedy through the civil rights and antiwar demonstrations, culminating for Boston in the great antibusing struggle in the early 1970s. Michael Dukakis' great cause in this decade was no-fault automobile insurance. He waged a sustained campaign for this reform, which took endless litigation out of the tainted Massachusetts courts. It was a solid, valuable reform, imitated in other states, hard to dramatize, but for that reason amenable to sustained argument of the sort Dukakis is good at. On the other, emotional issues of the time, Dukakis voted "correctly" for a liberal. After all, in Massachusetts even Republican Governor Sargent signed a law challenging the constitutionality of the Viet Nam War. But Dukakis did not march or protest. He agreed with most of the goals, but did not think "demonstrating" an effective tool. Emotional binges are like staying up all night -- they throw one's schedule off. Vote, if that will do it; argue, if you have to; and if votes and arguments will not (yet) avail, then do not waste time lamenting. On the busing issue, he refused to join either camp, suggesting there must be a third position that would serve to end discussion, not continue it.
WHAT OIKONOMIA REALLY MEANS
On money matters, Dukakis likes to remember the way his father always urged on him "Oikonomia! Oikonomia!" That applies to more than the price of a non- Filene's suit. The Greek ideal of oikonomia (literally, house management) is the optimum disposal of one's resources. Bush's claim that Dukakis has fetched his politics from some liberal boutique in Harvard could not be further from the truth. He was never susceptible to fads. He does not shop boutiques, but bargain basements, wanting the same old things at a better price.
Given his record, his friends should not have been surprised at his dramatic rectitude when he took office as Governor in 1974. He had schemed with them when they were fighting the entrenched powers -- who were bad men, after all, and had to be treated with some of their own weapons. Now, however, when good men were in office, the old practices would be abolished. The Dukakis people were ready for that. What they failed to anticipate was that Dukakis would not be sure that even they were as good as he needed. Even legitimate dealings with state agencies were suspect if engaged in by his friends -- Sumner Kaplan was denied a judgeship for which he was clearly qualified. Fran Meaney would have been denied an equally justifiable contract if he had not accepted it at the price of Dukakis' friendship. Michael expected his friends to be above mixing public service and any private gain. Even minor political favors -- summer jobs, special license plates -- were ostentatiously abolished; a lottery was set up to distribute summer jobs. Not only was Dukakis unyielding on his promise not to raise taxes (it was his word), but he also showed no compunction when human services were cut back.