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Losers in primaries frequently attempt to console themselves by prodding the winners on policy questions. In 1960, for instance, Nelson Rockefeller extracted from Richard Nixon the "treaty of Fifth Avenue," which clarified stands on civil rights and national security issues. Jackson may be seeking more: the transformation of his campaign into a permanent movement within the Democratic Party.
After Jackson asserted his claim to the vice-presidential nomination, Ron Brown, who has pretty much displaced Campaign Manager Gerald Austin, said Jackson "went further than he meant to go." Ann Lewis, another adviser, said he had spoken out emphatically because his earlier comments about his role in the party had not been taken seriously.
In fact, Jackson seems largely motivated by a desire to increase his bargaining leverage. His demands are in part a powerful gambit to ensure that he will not finish empty-handed. Among the things he seriously seeks, for example, is a uniform proportional-representation rule for future primaries to improve his chances in 1992 or 1996. The cliched question of the spring -- What does Jesse want? -- seems to be yielding to a fascinating puzzle for the summer: Does Jesse know what he wants? And if so, what might he settle for?
There is no doubt that Jackson's ploys are making life difficult for Dukakis. He managed to win the nomination with little strife. Now he deserves to bask in a bubble bath of party unity, enjoying his current advantage over George Bush in polls. Instead, Jackson's carping about delegate-selection rules undermines the validity of Dukakis' victory, at least among Jackson's passionate following.
Making matters worse was the kibbitzing of some supposed allies, most notably Mario Cuomo. The New York Governor, barely concealing what looked a lot like jealousy, had to be prodded by reporters into endorsing Dukakis: "It's an empty question. I gave the endorsement months ago to whoever came out first." After a bit more prodding: "I endorse him! I endorse him! I endorse him! There." He then went on to say, somewhat unhelpfully, that he thought Jackson would be good for the ticket. "How could you say no?"
Dukakis will have to find a way. Simply put, Jackson will not be his running mate. The civil rights leader's impressive voter appeal does not mask the fact that he carries back-breaking negatives, in terms of both his ideology and his personality. Like some earlier polls, a USA Today-CNN survey last week showed that Dukakis teamed with either John Glenn or Bill Bradley bests Bush by 6 to 8 points, but a Dukakis-Jackson ticket runs 7 points behind.
Dukakis is likely to consult with Jackson, and he may even give him a tacit (though unofficial) veto over the final selection. But any explicit concessions would alienate the crucial moderate voters necessary for a November victory. On the other hand, a blatant rebuff of Jackson would offend blacks, normally the most loyal bloc in the Democratic coalition. Dukakis and his advisers are thus maintaining a diplomatic silence, hoping that Jackson will pull back. If he does not, a Dukakis strategist predicted, "you'll have hell to pay."