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Moderate political leaders, meanwhile, grieved silently at the damage the violence on both sides was doing to their hopes for a transition to democracy. They were quick to denounce the assassination attempt. Said Enrique Silva Simma, president of the Democratic Alliance, an umbrella group of moderate parties: "We believe that acts of this kind neither contribute to pacifying the country nor help achieve democracy." Since 1983, when Pinochet loosened some of the restrictions on political activity, the moderates have been struggling to find a way of persuading the dictator to yield to a civilian electoral process. The latest plan was offered in August 1985 by an impressive coalition of eleven centrist and rightist parties called the National Accord, which was put together by Juan Francisco Cardinal Fresno. But Pinochet rejected out of hand the Accord's request for elections, the return of exiles and freedom of the press.
Last week's developments left Washington policymakers in a classic dilemma between violence of the far left and violence of the far right. The State Department condemned the attack on Pinochet and hoped the "terrorists will be found and prosecuted in accordance with Chilean law." At the same time, the Administration expressed its concern at the new state of siege, asserting that "such extreme measures hinder the development of the process of dialogue and consensus building."
For the past several months, the Administration has been prodding the military government to make a credible move toward real democracy. Led by Ambassador Harry Barnes, a respected veteran diplomat, U.S. officials have been trying to convince Pinochet that his repressive policies only create new recruits for the armed left. Said one senior State Department official: "The best defense against extremism of left or right is support for democracy." Barnes has sought contact with the opposition and in July attended the funeral of a teenager killed during earlier demonstrations. Washington has now threatened to vote against any new multinational loans for economically strapped Chile, whose foreign debt is $19.6 billion.
In the wake of the assassination attempt, the imperious Pinochet, certain of his support in the 57,000-man army, staged a grand popular gala in honor of his continued tenure. In full-page newspaper ads the general dubbed the long- planned celebration, seen as a kickoff of his campaign for the presidency in 1989, "The First Day of the Future." Under the 1980 constitution drawn up by Pinochet, Chile's four-man military junta will choose a single presidential candidate, who will then run in a yes-or-no national plebiscite and, if the electorate endorses him, serve until 1997. Three of the four junta members have so far avoided naming Pinochet as their choice. The aim of last week's well-orchestrated rally was to convince them of his support among the masses.