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From the opening of last week's party conference, only the fourth of its kind since 1921, it was clear that Deng was thoroughly in charge. As red flags outside the building snapped in a crisp autumn breeze, General Secretary Hu Yaobang, 70, told the 992 delegates that the leadership reshuffle that had begun in 1982 was now "nearly completed." Hu praised the retirees for their "exemplary role" in relinquishing their positions and suggested that "it is in response to the needs of the party that most veterans have retired."
For the same reason, he said, "a few have remained." Translation: some of the party's octogenarians, including Deng and Chen Yun, were staying on because they are "experienced revolutionaries with high prestige both inside and outside the party at home and abroad." Retiring Minister of Culture Zhu Muzhi, 69, later told newsmen that Deng and several other older leaders would definitely remain in their present positions.
What was most remarkable about the party changes was the gracious and peaceable manner in which they were carried out. There were no outright purges, no summary arrests, no instances of personal humiliation, as in Mao's time. The old-timers went quietly, praised for their work and assured that most of them would become "advisers," with the same pay and perks as before, including access to housing, cars and political documents. According to some reports, they may also have received promises that their sons or daughters would receive future party appointments. Moreover, even as veteran military leaders stepped down, the government announced a "Cherish the Army" campaign in an attempt to soften the blow to the armed forces.
Overall, the party realignment was a tribute to the skill of the consummate tactician who has led China for the past eight years. His primary motive was to secure a political environment in which his reforms can survive him. But the diplomatic skills involved were those of an old man who had himself been $ a victim of the excesses of the Cultural Revolution. Somewhere along the way, despite the anguish and humiliation inflicted upon him and his family by Mao and his Red Guards, Deng developed his ideas about revitalizing the economy, permitting a measure of political freedom and, not least, about dealing with political opposition. Culture Minister Zhu described last week's achievement as "a symbol of the maturity" of the Chinese party and thus of Deng's leadership. That still leaves the question of who will eventually succeed the durable Deng. When told last week during a visit by Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew that the world is wondering who could possibly replace him in the Chinese hierarchy, Deng reportedly laughed and replied that he had no worries on that score. "Even if the sky falls," he told his visitor, "there are people to hold it up."