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That is a far cry from the party wisdom of the past 40 years, as it is a shock to hear party leaders, who have suddenly seen the light, talk casually of the need to shed the Socialist Unity Party, East Germany's Communists, of its constitutionally enshrined role as the "leading party" and, even more daring, to remove Marxism-Leninism as the state ideology. "You can't impose that on the people," says a well-placed cadre. "You cannot constitutionally order that sort of thing."
Strangely enough, certainly in Western eyes, the concept of the G.D.R. as a state finds an echo among a population that by any measure is fed up with its leadership, angered by the hubris of a Communist Party that considered itself the state, cheated by an economy that, though the best performing in the East bloc, left the country "only those goods that nobody else in the world wants," as an East Berlin grocer puts it. A snap poll by a West Berlin research institute of 1,000 East Germans who flooded through the Wall after Nov. 9 found that nearly four out of five wanted two democratic German states with open borders. Another survey, by a London firm, counted 48% against and 38% in favor of reunification. Since then, nearly 5 million East Germans have gone visiting, but only 15,000 decided to stay out. Finally, none of the massive demonstrations of recent weeks capitalized on the theme of reunification. During the 28-year existence of the Wall, a psychological barrier seems to have risen as well.
The standard explanation for the loyalty of so many G.D.R. citizens is expressed by Jens Reich, one of the founders of the opposition group New Forum: "The ideals of Socialism prevail here." Historical roots certainly exist: German Social Democracy found its early expression in parts of the country that are now East Germany, and years of Communist rule have left a deep imprint. "A rhythm of life has developed," says Frank Schutze of the Potsdam Institute for International Relations. "People have got used to a collective existence in which their lives and their jobs are protected by a safety net with a finer mesh than in the West. There is a certain pride in its Socialist ingredients." Education is free, as is health care. Job security is assured.
Unsaid is that the system barely creaks along. East Germans may enjoy the highest standard of living in the East bloc, but that is not the comparison they make. Their yardstick is West Germany, whose wealth they used to ogle on television and can now touch but generally not acquire. Health care may not cost anything, but it is neither thorough nor prompt, a situation made more painful by the departure of young doctors in this year's mass exodus. Education is criticized for its narrow, blinkered and intolerant outlook. Job security is a laudable concept, but there is little choice. A young East Berliner who wanted to become a commercial fisherman wound up being trained as a toolmaker. "But everyone gets a job," he says sarcastically.
The only people who have come off well in the past four decades are the so- called upper ten thousand (the party and bureaucracy establishment) and those with "vitamin B" -- as in Beziehungen, or connections, in East German parlance. "They must all go," says a retired clerk in East Berlin. "All these criminals should be held accountable."