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Reagan's handlers have long tried to protect the President from exposing his detached approach to governing. They know that he is superb at making speeches but poor at answering questions, that he prefers hitting broad themes to picking over details. He has had fewer press conferences (26) than any President since Richard Nixon. His advisers worry about how he handles unrehearsed discussions with foreign leaders. Reagan sometimes has difficulty remembering names, much less complex negotiating positions. Meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Nakasone in June, he repeatedly referred to his own Vice President as "Prime Minister Bush."
But anyone can confuse facts and forget names. For the most part, Americans have been willing to forgive Reagan his minor gaffes, his seemingly untaxing work schedule, even his occasional brief naps in Cabinet meetings. His strength as a leader made his other failings seem picayune. Reagan has skipped over the minutiae of governing to articulate a clear vision for America. It can be argued that that is precisely what a President should do.
Still, some details are far from trivial. A year ago, Reagan admitted to groups of Senators and Congressmen that he had only recently learned that the Soviets were so heavily dependent on land-based missiles. He conceded that it was no wonder that the Soviets rejected as lopsided his original strategic arms control proposal, which urged that Moscow's land-based missiles be sharply cut back. Equally startling was Reagan's suggestion, at a news conference in May 1982, that sea-launched missiles are less dangerous than land-based missiles because they can be recalled after firing (they cannot).
Reagan continues to show little intellectual curiosity about the great dilemmas he must confront. He rarely seeks to convene experts in the Oval Office to toss around ideas on thorny subjects like the Middle East or arms control. Instead, he prefers to follow the consensus recommendation of his staff. If his advisers are capable-and most are-Reagan can afford to trust their judgment. But his staff is not elected, and some, most notably White House Chief of Staff James A. Baker, may not stay on through a second term. In sum, the issue Americans should debate is not Reagan's age but his effectiveness and the validity of his approach to governing.
-By Evan Thomas. Reported by Douglas Brew/Washington, with other bureaus