(6 of 8)
The candidates are jockeying for position on the ideological spectrum. Cranston, McGovern and Jackson dilute Mondale's image as a superliberal. Glenn is to the right of Mondale, but nevertheless supports labor's domestic-content bill, expanded Medicaid coverage and increased food-stamp benefits. Hart's generational politics, stressing "new ideas," makes him something of a neoliberal, but on many issues his liberalism is as traditional as Mondale's. Askew's qualified antiabortion position—he would allow it in cases of incest, rape, threat to the mother's life or fetal deformity—draws one-issue support from conservative Democrats. The fuzzy spectrum comes full circle with Jackson, who, as a clergyman, enjoys the backing of some religious fundamentalists despite his far-left positions on most issues.
Mondale's Democratic rivals have found him a rather elusive target. They have been hammering away at him for catering to special-interest groups, but Mondale can be a skillful counterpuncher. When Glenn put the question bluntly ("Will we offer a party that can't say no to anyone with a letterhead and a mailing list?"), Mondale coolly replied that the Reagan tax-cut bill of 1981 placed special interests above the national interest and noted that Glenn had voted for it.
Still, the fact that Mondale has made many promises to many groups continues to hurt him. Allied with it is the claim that he either cannot deliver on those promises or, to do so, will have to spend billions that the Government does not have. The Wall Street Journal estimated that the Minnesotan's pledges would cost a minimum of $45 billion, and possibly twice that much. Mondale replied that the Journal had compiled "false assumptions and misleading comparisons" from campaign generalities. Indeed, Mondale's numerous promises have been described in such broad terms that it is difficult to translate them into specific legislation, much less put a price tag on them.
Perhaps his most controversial promise was his pledge to labor to "match other countries' export subsidies, product for product and dollar for dollar." The Congressional Budget Office says that this might cost $50 billion. Mondale asserts that once a few key subsidies had been met, foreign countries would get the message and voluntarily cut their own supports.
Mondale has proposed $11 billion in additional federal aid to teachers, students and public schools. He would add $3 billion to the existing Title I program of special help to students from poor families. He advocates a $4.5 billion "fund for excellence" to be used by local school districts as they wish. Mondale claims he could pay for all of this with military savings, tax surcharges on the wealthy, and five other specific measures.