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It is a tragedy that the very tools of technology that have made ours the most productive century in history have also served to subject millions to a new dimension of intimidation, suffering and fear. Individual freedom of conscience and expression is the proudest heritage of our civilization. All we do in the search for peace, for greater political cooperation and for a fair and flourishing international economy is rooted in our belief that only liberty permits the fullest expression of mankind's creativity. Technological progress without justice mocks humanity; national unity without freedom is a hollow triumph. Nationalism without a consciousness of human community and human rights is likely to become an instrument of oppression and a force for evil. As the world's leading democracy, it is our obligation to dedicate ourselves to assuring freedom for the human spirit. But responsibility compels also a recognition of our limits. Our alliances, the political relationships built up with other nations, serve peace by strengthening regional and world security. If well conceived, they are not favors to others, but a recognition of common interests. They should be withdrawn when those interests change; they should not, as a general rule, be used as levers.
There is no simple answer to the dilemma a great democracy faces under such circumstances. We have a moral as well as a practical obligation to stand up for our values and to combat injustice. Those who speak out for freedom and expose the transgressions of repressive regimes do so in the best American tradition. But WILSON (1912) there are times when an effort to teach another country a moral lesson can undermine the very values we seek to promote. When sensitive issues are transformed into tests of strength between governments, the impulse of national prestige may defeat the most worthy goals. Thus we must take care not to elaborate a doctrine of universal intervention. We must remember that in our history such concepts have as often led to abdication as to overcommitment, both with disastrous results.
America's most profound contribution to world affairs has derived from our conviction that while history is often cruel, fate can be shaped by human faith and courage. Our optimism has enabled us to understand that the greatest achievements were a dream before they became a reality. We have learned through experience, as few people have, that all that is creative is ultimately a moral affirmation−the faith that dares in the absence of certainty, the courage to go forward in the face of adversity.
Americans must learn the inescapable need to relate our moral aims−which of necessity are stated in universal terms−to the imperative choices imposed upon us by competing goals and finite resources. Foreign policy is, like life, a constant effort to strike the right balance between the best we want and the best we can have between the ends we seek and the means we adopt. We need moral strength to select among often agonizing choices, and a sense of ethical purpose to navigate between difficult decisions. But we need as well a mature sense of means, lest we substitute wishful thinking for the requirements of survival. The ultimate test of morality in foreign policy is not only the values we proclaim but what we are willing and able to carry out.