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The main purpose of such a fund, however, would be to underwrite resettlement in the entity of Palestinian refugees now scattered throughout the Middle East. Although the 1.8 million Palestinians in the diaspora would also become citizens of the entity and thus have the theoretical right to "return" to the homeland, the entity would have the right to limit immigration according to its ability to absorb the newcomers. The entity could, and should, bar immigrants who are known terrorists. Since many Palestinians hold good jobs elsewhere in the Middle East, British experts estimate that only 500,000 or so from the diaspora would seek permanent residence in the entity. But because Palestinians everywhere would have a right to the entity's passport, they would no longer be officially stateless refugees. Not only might that satisfy their desire for a national identity, but it should also lead to the dismantling of the humiliating refugee camps in which the Palestinians have been kept by a number of Arab states.
Currently more than 40,000 West Bankers work in Israel, which also buys 65% of the West Bank's exports and provides 91% of its imports. The development of an economically healthy Palestinian entity would be almost impossible if this pattern were abruptly changed. The new state would require continued close economic links with Israel, as well as extensive ties with Jordan. Without such relations, there could be no peaceful coexistence between Israel and the entity.
Israel, Jordan and the entity would be strongly encouraged to form an economic and customs union—a mini-Common Market—that could serve as the precursor to a formal political alliance.