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Administration officials hope that the worst in Bonn-Washington relations is over. They and the West Germans also insist that the deep root of the relationship—a shared belief in a strong defense as well as in continued detente—remains as sound as ever. Nor is Washington unhappy about West Germany's unabashed new global role. In fact it would be content if that role continues to grow. Says one Administration planner: "We don't want to push the Germans. But insofar as they feel comfortable with a position of greater leadership, we can encourage it."
Gratified by the active part that Bonn has played in European affairs, the Administration hopes Germany will also play a larger role in collective efforts to resolve the Cyprus crisis, mitigate the isolation of President Anwar Sadat, and work out a solution for Namibia. Nonetheless, substantial issues are at the top of the agenda that face the Chancellor and the President when they meet. Items:
European Defense. Schmidt favors SALT II; with White House encouragement, he is expected to promote the treaty on his speaking tour. The Chancellor, however, is concerned about the Soviet intermediate-range missiles, which are not covered by the treaty and thus fall into a "gray zone." They have confronted him with West Germany's traditional dilemma as the point-country on the frontier of divided Europe, namely, how to balance the strengthening of NATO against Bonn's continuing Ostpolitik—the policy of "opening to the East" launched a decade ago by Schmidt's predecessor, Willy Brandt. That is why Schmidt is reluctant to allow the U.S. to station its counter-missiles on West German soil unless other NATO countries also agree to do so.
Nuclear Policy. In his disastrous first meeting with Schmidt, Vice President Mondale attacked West Germany's agreement to sell nuclear reactors to Brazil. That controversy has cooled by several degrees. While the deal with Brazil has not been canceled, Schmidt has agreed not to sell reprocessing technology to Third World countries until the International Nuclear Fuel Cycle Evaluation program deals with the issue later this year. On domestic nuclear energy, Schmidt and Carter share a common problem: namely, the rising public concern about the safety of nuclear power plants.
Economic Worries. Despite the improved performance of the dollar in recent months, Schmidt is seeking assurances that the Administration will continue its efforts to support the dollar and will bring U.S. policy on energy consumption under control. With about a third of its G.N.P. dependent on exports, West Germany is more sensitive than most countries to global economic stability. Schmidt and Carter want to compare their notes for the June 28 Tokyo economic summit that both men will attend. For its part, the U.S. is seeking stronger West German commitments to help with the financial rescue of two vital allies: Turkey, which is on the verge of bankruptcy and vulnerable to political upheaval, and Egypt, which has been politically and economically isolated from the rest of the Arab world since signing the peace treaty with Israel.
One additional factor makes the Schmidt visit especially important. The Chancellor arrives a week before the East-West summit in