(2 of 10)
For black leaders, all three courses pose risks. A return to purely passive, conventional protest would destroy the morale and thrust of the black movement. Black nationalism, if carried to extremes, could lead to separatist schemes and policies which are unrealistic for an 11% minority that must live with whites. As for "revolution," it is clearly impossible, and irresponsible talk about it, however justified the anger that prompts it, can be dangerous because it may mislead blacks about the extent of their power and may serve to confirm whites in fear and repression. The most hopeful strategy thus seems to be the determined use of political organization and economic pressure that have been used countless times before within the U.S. system. This strategy can make full use of black nationalism to build pride and spirit.
The current impact of the black extremist groups is mixed. Severely crippled by most of their leaders' having been killed, jailed or propelled into exile, the Black Panthers face mounting financial and organizational problems. Yet their very difficulties with the law have drawn sympathy from many fellow blacks, especially youths. The Panthers have further sensitized black communities to what they regard as police repression. Their program of providing breakfasts and tutorial help for young blacks has been both admired and copied by black students on some college campuses. But there is no indication of any significant gains in Panther membership. At the same time, the Panthers' wild rhetoric and order-shattering courtroom tactics, most notably in Chicago and New York City, have seriously antagonized whites.
Such a fluid situation could heighten conflict and stir personal rivalries. Indeed, especially on the black left, there has been some fratricide. But for the most part, the factions seem determined to go their own way and allow others to do the same.
One of the most promising signs of future racial progress is the way in which growing numbers of blacks unite behind black political candidates. Working at precinct and small-town levels, blacks are seizing levers of local power in city halls, county seats, school boards and sheriffs' offices. Without broad black backing, Richard Hatcher could not have been elected mayor of Gary, Ind., nor could Carl Stokes have been twice chosen mayor of Cleveland.
Localism as Core
Such battle-tested national organizations as the N.A.A.C.P., the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the National Urban League have long selected specific communities to score victories that could become pacesetting precedents or affect the national mood. As localism becomes more the core of the struggle, they continue to perform the vital role of keeping local communities from backsliding on integration of schools and public facilities, expanding voter registration, breaking white barriers against blacks in industry, training blacks for better jobs. Such leaders as the N.A.A.C.P.'s Wilkins, the Urban League's Whitney Young and S.C.L.C.'s Rev. Ralph Abernathy may lack appeal to many younger blacks, but their organizations still carry