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Two Supporters. An additional problem for the President is that any White House attempt to stonewall the Rodino committee by denying access to any further evidence runs the risk of alienating two of Nixon's most helpful supporters: Vice President Gerald Ford and Republican Senate Leader Hugh Scott. Ford seems to be opening a greater distance between himself and the President. He still backs the White House view that Rodino is off on a "fishing expedition" for evidence and ought to specify "a bill of particulars" against Nixon before seeking the supporting documents. But Ford irked Nixon's staff by declaring publicly that Rodino is fully entitled to see the grand jury's special report and evidence. He also said that he was "concerned" about Nixon's failure to report the illegal payment of silence money to Watergate defendants as soon as Dean told him about it. "I think I would have," Ford said.
Scott is getting nervous because he went out on a limb to assail Dean's credibility on the basis of tape transcripts and summaries shown to him by Nixon. The failure of the White House to make the same information public disturbs Scott. His associates worry that he may have been misled by the one-week discrepancy in Dean's testimony about hush money, perhaps having seen a transcript in which no such discussion appeared. As for giving the Rodino committee what it wants, Scott, too, is opposed to "fishing expeditions," but he does not believe that the committee is on one. Noting White House objections to anyone backing a truck up to the White House for files, Scott suggests: "How about a station wagon?"
As the President's difficulties continue to accumulate, his public appearances look increasingly like an effort to go over the heads of the aroused impeachers in the House and directly to the public. His vows to "fight like hell" and "not walk away from this job" may win some wavering doubters to his side. But his position is steadily growing weaker.
If the President is innocent in the cover-up acts of his aides, he could easily gain adherents by turning over the 27 tapes that Jaworski wants and the 42 that the House Judiciary Committee is seeking. That would dispel many suspicions, and it would certainly not "destroy" the presidency. Since he has given up 19 tapes and 700 documents already, why would turning over more tapes break the back of this most visible of U.S. institutions? If he is not innocent the current collision course with the Congress may be the only viable one for him.
Gentler Approach. Perhaps perceiving new dangers in a showdown with the impeachment committee, St. Clair seemed to soften his earlier stand. "We are not seeking a confrontation," he told TIME. "It would not be good for the President or the country. I think John Doar and I both believe that adjustments can be made to avoid it. I don't think the committee intends to have a fishing expedition." If this view seemed