GREAT BRITAIN: Medicine Man

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"If Thine Nye . .." On such occasions, Bevan's shock of hair falls over his forehead, his pudgy face clouds over and his bright blue eyes smolder with resentment. People who see him thus are apt to think that he is merely a mighty bruiser from the coalfields. Surprises await them if they get to know him better. He has traveled widely in Europe, likes to spend his holidays in Italy. During the war, he was close to many refugee Socialist intellectuals from the Continent. His friends include such diverse characters as Novelist

Arthur Koestler, Press Lord Beaverbrook, Author George Orwell. He reads—next to "shockers"—philosophers: Whitehead, Kant, Bergson. With Jennie, he likes to listen to ballet records on quiet Sundays. For years Bevan edited London's vigorous Socialist weekly, Tribune; when he joined the government, Jennie took over.

Friends claim that Bevan has acquired a new sobriety and caution under the weight of his responsibilities (which include not only health but housing for blitzed Britain). When Britain's doctors violently opposed his health service plan, he did not use his power to ram it down their throats, but made concessions until it was more or less palatable to most of them. These days, when he wants a cabinet decision, he always first consults Sir Stafford Cripps, Britain's overall economic boss, and Bevan's closest ally in the cabinet. He will cajole and wheedle in his sweetest Welsh tones until he gets O.K.s from departmental ministers. "But," says a high British official, "when he does seem like losing a point in the cabinet he fights like a tiger and usually wins."

Bevan has repeatedly rebelled against the Labor Party's leadership; during the war there was even talk of expelling him. "If thine Nye offend thee, pluck it out." was a persistent crack around parliamentary corridors. Even today Bevan has little use for Party Strategist Herbert Morrison's increasingly cautious politics. He fought bitterly when Morrison wanted to postpone nationalization of Britain's steel industry. The fact that the nationalization bill went to Parliament at all is largely due to Bevan's bludgeoning attacks. It is expected to be on the statute books by 1950.

The project closest to Bevan's heart is the British National Health Service.

In 1911 Lloyd George persuaded Parliament to establish compulsory National Insurance. This provided cash benefits for sick and unemployed workers and free medical service (but not specialists or hospital care). By 1941 the plan included workers making less than £420 ($1,680) per year—almost half of Britain's population. Virtually all British doctors served "free" patients in addition to their regular practice, the bill being paid by employees' and employers' contributions and taxes.

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