(2 of 4)
Weinberger and Reagan get along so well in large part because the two men share the same world view: the Soviet Union can only be prevented from dominating the West by a rapid buildup in the military might of the U.S. In the White House, Weinberger is opposed by Chief of Staff James Baker and David Stockman, Director of the Office of Management and Budget, who feel that the defense buildup should be eased somewhat to curb the deficit. But Weinberger can carry the day singlehanded with the President by raising the specter of the Soviet threat. Says a top White House aide: "The President simply trusts Cap as a budgeteer more than he trusts Stockman as a budgeteer."
Weinberger, moreover, skillfully presents his arguments in ways most likely to catch the President's attention and approval. On at least one occasion, the Defense Secretary did not really need words at all: during a crucial budget session in September 1981, when many White House aides were urging Reagan to cut defense funds, Weinberger simply presented charts illustrating the various proposed budgets. The one with Weinberger's numbers was labeled REAGAN BUDGET, and showed a figure of a brawny soldier hoisting an automatic weapon. The alternative was called OMB BUDGET, and pictured a puny man with a small rifle.
Weinberger and "the Governor," as he still calls Reagan, talk on the phone almost daily, and he usually briefs the President in person twice a week. Though the Defense Secretary can have Reagan's ear any time he wants it, he does not exploit his access. He is extremely businesslike hi his dealings with the White House and will usually relay his messages to the Oval Office through established channels. Yet when dealing with White House staffers, Weinberger often wears them down by restating his position relentlessly. In a remarkable demonstration of faith in his standing with the President, Weinberger did not even bother to attend many of the key budget meetings held between Election Day and Thanksgiving this year.
With such strong backing from Reagan, Weinberger has occasionally been emboldened to step into the foreign policy arena and make public pronouncements of a type that should be coming from the State Department, or should not be said out loud at all. On a tour of the Middle East last February, for example, Weinberger suggested that Jordan should receive an antiaircraft missile system from the U.S., forcing Reagan to write a soothing letter to Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. On the other hand, Weinberger has scant interest in mastering the complexities of arms control negotiations. He has no background or expertise in the field, and so relies on his aides to do his thinking for him.