(2 of 3)
Once the new government is formed, Japan's domestic and foreign policies are not likely to change drastically. The Liberal Democrats' setback was traceable to a number of reasons: disgust over political corruption, a poor turnout, a lackadaisical campaign strategy. But disenchantment with Nakasone did not seem to have been a major factor. At home, the party will be forced to compromise more with the opposition, which favors larger tax cuts, greater welfare spending and smaller defense outlays than the Liberal Democrats. Foreign policy will stay on course. In Washington, the expectation is that the Prime Minister will still be willing to curb his country's exports, loosen import restrictions and boost Japan's defenses, although, given his slim majority, he will have to proceed more cautiously. For example, an agreement to allow greater imports of American beef and citrus products, once expected in early 1984, will now take longer to wrap up.
Nakasone had no choice but to hold the elections. In early October, after a 6½-year trial, Tanaka was found guilty of accepting a payoff of 500 million yen (about $2.2 million at current exchange rates) from Lockheed Corp. in return for persuading the country's largest domestic airline, All Nippon Airways, to buy the firm's TriStar jets. Vowing to appeal, Tanaka refused to resign his Diet seat. When the L.D.P. blocked a resolution demanding Tanaka's ouster, opposition members boycotted Diet sessions. Faced with a parliamentary stalemate, Nakasone dissolved the lower house in late November.
Throughout the 15-day campaign, the opposition focused on Tanaka and the whiff of corruption in high places. A Socialist poster showed a baseball umpire yelling ALMIGHTY MONEY POLITICS—OUT!, while the Buddhist-backed Komeito displayed placards reading CLEAN POLITICS. The L.D.P. generally evaded the issue with bland appeals for stability and patriotism. The opposition parties proved far more united than expected. In 58 of the country's 130 districts, for example, the main opposition groups fielded a joint candidate.
No one could fault Nakasone for not giving his all: wearing the white gloves that symbolize clean hands in Japanese politics, the Prime Minister made more than 100 campaign stops. On one especially hectic day, he pledged to cut taxes, raise wages, burnish Japan's image abroad and personally lead the search for a cancer cure. Lulled by the sunny polls, however, many other L.D.P. hopefuls campaigned sluggishly. The party, moreover, miscalculated by running too many candidates. Under the Japanese electoral system, a party can put up as many contenders as it likes in a district, which elects from three to five representatives each. In some areas, there were more Liberal Democrats running than there were seats, which served to split the L.D.P. vote and allow opposition candidates to squeeze into office.
Even the weather conspired against the ruling party, which was not as well organized to muster the vote as were the smaller groups, notably Komeito. Snow in the north and subzero temperatures elsewhere helped produce a dismal turnout of 68%, the lowest since World War II.