(5 of 5)
Ford has made a success of the presidency largely by being himself. Even his limitations are perceived as pluses, in contrast to Nixon's. He is trusted, in part, because he does not appear to aim very high. He suits the wary, conservative temper of the times. But that attitude is not likely to endure forever. As the economy recovers, aspirations may rise along with it, and old problems will be rediscovered. Ford's vetoes might then be regarded as obstructionist rather than prudent. A continued high rate of unemployment, with its special impact on minorities, is an issue that Democrats could turn to their advantage. Even before the 1976 election, the President may have to face up to the soaring cost of medical care, the steadily rising crime rate, the breakdown of the cities and the crumbling of mass transportation. His view—widely welcomed at present—that Government should do less and that national thrift is in order could begin to seem to many people like a do-nothing policy. Along with this, "charisma"—a cliché not recently heard—might return to the political vocabulary.
For the moment, the President appears to be politically secure, protected on both his left and right flanks, monopolizing the coveted middle ground. With the Democrats in disarray, no serious rival for the presidency has emerged. Reagan may make a try for the Republican nomination, but Ford operatives are adroitly heading him off. The President picked three notable conservatives to manage his campaign: Howard ("Bo") Callaway, former Secretary of the Army; David Packard, who served as Under Secretary of Defense; and Dean Burch, a onetime adviser to Barry Goldwater and past chairman of the Federal Communications Commission.
Ford has thus left little room for Reagan to maneuver. He has championed free enterprise and attacked Government regulation. He has urged continued heavy defense spending. He has rather cold-bloodedly neutralized the conservatives' hostility to Rockefeller by stressing the fact that the President and the Vice President are not a team and the G.O.P. delegates will be free to select the Vice President. Privately, Ford has no intention of dropping Rocky, who he keeps insisting is not really a liberal. He admires his Veep's abilities and needs him on the ticket to win independent and Democratic votes in the election.
For all his present strength, Ford's election is not a foregone conclusion. Much depends on events beyond his control. If Middle East negotiations collapse, if the Arab states impose another oil embargo, if North Korea invades South Korea, the President could once again find himself in a politically hazardous position. At best, the state of the economy, with continued high unemployment, will damage his chances; and as one aide says, "It may be a narrow prosperity he's enjoying—a reverse of some kind could hurt him badly." But at the moment, he can take satisfaction in no longer being an accidental President fearing the taint of the man who chose him. The caretaker is in the process of becoming the proud owner of the White House, and it will not be easy to dislodge him.