(6 of 10)
With the race wide open and the depth of public unease indicated by the Wallace and Jackson votes, the Jackson strategists see a chance for their man to slip in as a kind of Wallace-in-spats. "The U.S. political center is angry," argues Jackson Manager Ben Wattenberg. "It's sullen. The question now is: Can any candidate deal with the frustrations constructively? Wallace has proved he can deal with them negatively. That's not what people want. Jackson can get the Wallace vote—no one else can."
Jackson's advisers theorize that in the end Wallace cannot get the nomination. They foresee that the convention may well be faced with choosing between Humphrey and McGovern —one too shopworn, one too liberal for the party's mood—and thus may decide on Jackson. Yet Jackson has huge handicaps that make the scenario unlikely: he is a colorless speaker and is still not well known nationally.
LINDSAY AND McGOVERN. No one spent more money (an aide said it was more than $300,000, others estimated it at $500,000) in Florida than New York's Mayor John Lindsay. No one made his position clearer. Lindsay sailed into Wallace, calling him "the phoniest populist since time began" and claiming that "he is no man of the people when he travels with 25 muscular state troopers with bulges under their coats." Lindsay argued that the only alternative to busing was "perpetual racial segregation" and that the nation could not afford such alienation. He criticized his senatorial rivals for compromising on the issue in Congress. His was a bold stand, but Lindsay was trounced in Florida. The only consolation in his 7% vote was that it was one point better than that of his liberal rival, McGovern.
Wisconsin may be the make-or-break primary for Lindsay. He is low on funds and cannot continue his spending pace. In Wisconsin he can make the valid claim that he was the one candidate who fought Wallace all-out in Florida, despite the risks involved. That stance could prove helpful in Wisconsin's metropolitan areas and on campuses. But Lindsay's image as an alluring TV attraction was badly besmirched in Florida, where an expensive television drive failed to muster even a strong female following.
George McGovern chose to concentrate on New Hampshire, where he scored well, and on Wisconsin, which has a more liberal hue; he wisely played Florida low key. He spent only $90,000 there, visited the state only briefly, and thus was not severely hurt by his low total. McGovern has the handicap of a lackluster speaking style, but his organizational talents showed up well in New Hampshire, and he has been working hard against Muskie for delegates in Illinois. His willingness to face all issues squarely is winning him admirers, but it is also alienating some. He could be a tough man to eliminate, even if he rarely wins. Should Lindsay and Chisholm fade, as seems likely, McGovern could be a power at the convention.