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Moreover, the leading contenders for future leadership either have only local backing or command only a small popular base of support. Bhutto, the only Ayub enemy to have announced his availability for the succession, is strong only in West Pakistan and would probably not receive the endorsement of the Democratic Action Committee, an essentially conservative alliance of eight parties that combined forces to pressure Ayub. Sheik Mujibur Rahman, a fiery and popular East Pakistani who advocates partial autonomy for his area, would do well in East Pakistan but might raise fears of secession in the West. Retired Air Marshal Asghar Khan, a recent arrival on the political front and the sober, solid head of Pakistan International Airlines, has virtually no popular base, though he might eventually appeal to the Democratic Action Committee parties. For all his weaknesses, Ayub was an imposing national figure even before he took power in 1958. None of the men who have combined to depose him and propose to replace him can make that claim.
*The country's wealth still remained concentrated in a few hands. A government economic expert estimated last fall that 20 families control 66% of industry and 80% of banking.