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Arab monarchy still involves subtleties and power plays difficult to find elsewhere. In Morocco, since protocol requires that ministers kiss the King's right hand, and royal etiquette says that the King should draw his hand away before contact is made, the speed at which the King pulls away is an indication of the importance a man carries at court. (The method is, at any rate, simpler than many signals of favor and disfavor given at Communist courts or even in democratic presidential mansions.) Last year Morocco's King Hassan dissolved Parliament and has been running the country singlehanded ever since. Critics mutter about his highhandedness as well as his high living, which includes ten palaces, plus fleets of airplanes and automobiles—including several curtained buses for ladies of the harem. But even his critics agree that he is worshiped by his people and that he works harder than any politician. Almost anywhere today, do-nothing kings have very little job security.
In the troubled landscape of Asia, kingship can be anything from a semireligious show to true, traditional force. Even in Malaysia, where a new king is elected every five years, or in Laos, where the King sits largely helpless but pleasant above war and factions, the monarchy provides at least a semblance of unifying tradition—plus something to talk about. In Thailand, it is immensely important. King Bhumibol Adulyadej seems all but divine to his Buddhist masses—an impression enhanced by the tradition that people must approach him crawling along the floor on hands and knees. But he is really a modern monarch, using the ancient ways and rituals to carry his country forward. Theoretically he is a figurehead, limited to ceremonial functions. Beneath the surface he keeps up a mosaic of relationships that make him the most influential man in the kingdom; no governmental change could succeed without his legitimizing nod.
The Symbol Of Unity
One of the chief criticisms of monarchy is that it is not only an anachronism but also a mighty expensive one. Japan's Emperor Hirohito, even though he formally declared himself mortal in 1946, draws a stipend of $3,000,000 a year, plus another $3,000,000 of taxpayers' funds to support an Imperial Household Agency of 1,200 officials. Inside the palace compound in Tokyo, a $38 million ceremonial hall is now abuilding for him, and a $27,000 Nissan Royal limousine has just been added to the royal fleet of three Rolls-Royces, a Daimler, a Cadillac and a Mercedes. The irreverent young in the big cities question the point of keeping a royal family, but oldsters still burst into tears at the sight of their ex-god's expressionless face.
Queen Elizabeth's household allowance comes to $1,330,000 a year, and the allowances for the rest of the family to nearly $500,000 more. What with six palaces, the royal yacht, the Queen's flight of six assorted aircraft plus the cost of royal trains, telephone and postage, the grand total is nearly $6,000,000. No doubt a republican president might be able to shave these royal expenses, but drab ex-politicians usually do not do the job as well as kings and queens who are trained for it. And the more flamboyant types, from De Gaulle to Sukarno, are not exactly cheap either.