Cuba: The Massacre

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ambition to overthrow the free governments of the Americas and to replace them by regimes modeled in his own tyrannical image. Dr. Castro stands today an outlaw in the hemisphere."

To Roa's charge of direct U.S. intervention, Stevenson made only the most technical denial: "No offensive has been launched from Florida or from any other part of the United States." It was a point that Russia's Valerian Zorin, no great brain but adept at probing a sensitive spot, jabbed away at all week long. As it turned out, the point grew increasingly sensitive with the passage of time.

When the hours dragged into days with no proclamation of a free Cuba from Exile Leader Miró Cardona, it became apparent that something—in fact everything—had gone wrong.

Counterpoint of Terror. Recovering from the initial shock, Castro's usually loquacious regime acted with a coldly silent efficiency that suggested expert Communist coaching. The island's radio stations broadcast no news but plenty of lively music, as a reign of terror spread across the island. The Castro government itself boasted that it had executed 29 persons, including Castro's ex-Agriculture Minister Humberto Sori Marín as well as three Americans, for plotting to assassinate Castro. Foreign correspondents were herded—along with 1,000 or more Cubans whose loyalty to Castro was questioned—into makeshift concentration camps in the Havana Sports Palace and a downtown hotel. Across the island, members of Castro's Rebel Youth, some as young as 14, began patrolling city and village streets at night, encouraged to act as they saw fit if they saw anything suspicious. "Defense committees" drew up lists of persons in their districts who might be considered "enemies" and might be done away with if trouble broke out.

Back to the Bay. But for all the messages about fish rising and rainbows flashing, the expected mass uprising failed to take place, and the tide of rebellion ran out. The airstrip at Jagüey Grande was seized, but when the first rebel B-26 came in to land, it hit unexpected ridges of sand that had drifted across the runway, and crashed. Paratroopers, dropped inland, were wiped out—few prisoners were taken. The invaders from the beach never quite reached Jagüey Grande. Obviously forewarned of the general area where the landing would take place ("Someone committed treason," charged a council member), Castro had 10,000 troops on hand to meet the men coming up the track bed. Heavy artillery pinned the invaders down. The invasion ship carrying all the broadcasting equipment was sunk, and with it another landing craft. The Castro command threw its Soviet-built T-34 tanks into the fight; a dozen jets, some of them MIGs flown by Czech pilots, shot down five of the invaders' twelve B-26 bombers. Other Castro aircraft swept over the exposed troops in strafing runs. A desperate call for help went out from the beachhead: "We are under attack by two Sea Fury aircraft and heavy artillery. Do not see any friendly air cover as you promised. Need jet support immediately."

The support never came. Foot by foot, the anti-Castro forces were driven back down the road and railroad bed toward the Bay of Pigs. A few soldiers scattered across the swamps in a desperate attempt to reach the hills of Escambray, 50 miles

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