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Halleck's first major move as leader was to reorganize the House Republican Policy Committee, which had been little more than a chat-and-chowder group under Joe Martin. To head the committee. Halleck named Wisconsin's Congressman John Byrnes, a leader of the anti-Martin revolt and one of the ablest of House Republicans. Halleck arranged to have Byrnes join himself and Illinois' Les Arends. the Republican whip, at the weekly legislative leaders' conferences with President Eisenhower. (The Senate members: Dirksen. New Hampshire's Styles
Bridges, California's Thomas Kuchel, Massachusetts' Leverett Saltonstall.) When they return from the White House each Tuesday, Halleck, Byrnes and Arends meet with the rest of the Policy Committee in Arends' Whip Room to hash out the week's strategy. Instead of tersely reporting the results of the White House session, as Martin did, Halleck goes into great and colloquial detail to explain what decisions were made—and why. The minutes of Policy Committee meetings are mimeographed and placed on each Republican's desk. Not in many a long year have the Republican members of the House been so fully informed about the party line and positions, and the results can be found in their cohesiveness on vote after vote this year.
Similarly, the sessions in the White House are far more effective than during the Martin-Knowland leadership regime. Ike has a vast respect for Halleck's political judgment, nearly always accepts his legislative recommendations. When, for example, the Administration asked for $200 million for the International Development Loan Fund. Halleck consulted with the House Policy Committee, decided that $100 million was the most the 86th Congress would grant, and so reported to the President. Ike agreed, and Halleck pushed the authorization through the House. But when Ike makes a decision that runs contrary to Halleck's advice, Halleck falls into line. Thus, at one recent meeting, the President patiently heard Halleck argue against an onerous bill. Then he said he was sorry, but he had to ask Halleck to support the bill and rally House Republicans behind it. "I don't like it," said Halleck, "but if you say so, Mr. President, I'm with you."
The Clinic. Halleck's leadership techniques are endlessly varied. To discuss party strategy on an informal basis, he holds irregular evening sessions in a small, windowless office known as the "Clinic." There, over Scotch, bourbon and rye, Republican Congressmen get together for political shoptalk that has helped build a spirit of party unity. (The Clinic, which embittered Joe Martin calls "Charlie's drinking room," is the Republican equivalent of Speaker Sam Rayburn's "Board of Education," in a nearby office, where the drinks are also light and few, and the conversation lightened with Texas-accented geniality.) Again to help build Republican morale, Halleck has taken to furnishing the White House with names of G.O.P. Congressmen who deserve letters of thanks from the President for their help on particular legislation. (Democrats who side with Halleck get grateful telephone calls from President Eisenhower; Halleck is much too shrewd to provide the opposition party with letters that might be helpful at campaign time.)