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From Brazzaville, his capital in French Equatorial Africa, General Charles de Gaulle flew to Lebanon and Syria last week to congratulate his victorious troops. Resplendent in uniform, accompanied by his field general, Georges Catroux, Free Frenchman De Gaulle made a ceremonial entry into a Beirut decorated with many a Cross of Lorraine. In the street De
Gaulle stopped his motorcade, stepped out of his car and gravely saluted the Lebanese flag. At this gesture the Lebanese went wild, broke the police cordon surrounding the generals' car, flocked around De Gaulle cheering.
The gesture meant that De Gaulle had come, not to capture Lebanon and Syria, but to liberate them. In making it the General called attention to the peculiar strength and the peculiar weakness of his movement. Free France is an army of 40,000 men, an air force of 1,000 and a navy of 17 fighting ships—but Free France does not pretend to be a government. To General de Gaulle and his brave, fanatical followers Free France is the trustee of the French Republic, and one day, he hopes and believes, it will return France to the representatives of its people. Meanwhile his task is to fight to free Frenchmen and French subjects from Nazi and Vichy fascism.
To the U.S. last week General de Gaulle's Free France assumed a new importance. The dwindling prestige of Vichy, which had fought Frenchmen and Britons in Syria but refused to fight Japanese in Indo-China, had run out. Officially, the U.S. made it clear that it considered Vichyfrance a partner in, not a victim of, Japan's aggression. Unofficially, restaurants began calling Vichyssoise "De Gaulle soup." There was no question of U.S. "recognition" of Free France, since Free France is not a government, but General de Gaulle's chief civilian aide, tall, gaunt René Pleven, was urging aid under the Lend-Lease Act in order to convince Frenchmen in France that the U.S. is behind De Gaulle and his forces of liberation.
The U.S. hesitated with reasons. One reason was the value of a diplomatic listening post in France. Another was the chance that the Germans might overplay their hand, arouse Vichy to partial resistance. The best reason was the small bet the U.S. has placed on General Maxime Weygand to resist any Axis attack on Vichyfrench Africa. General Weygand hates the guts of General de Gaulle.
Nonetheless General de Gaulle is doing his part to hold Hitler in check. In Syria Free French and British forces stand guard over the northern approaches to Suez, which in turn guard one approach to Africa. And across two-thirds of the waist of Africa lies French Equatorial Africa, a vital link in one supply line to Egypt, a dagger pointed at Axis Libya, and a possible base for Anglo-U.S. operations along Africa's west coast.
The Battle of Africa, many strategists think, will be the critical phase of the Battle of the Atlantic. There are signs that it may begin soon, perhaps in October, when the weather is right. The three most likely offensives, which may be undertaken separately or simultaneously: