(See Cover) The telephone was busy. First came a call from a Midwest Governor with a warning that labor trouble was brewing in his state—and a request that the U.S. Government step into the situation. Behind his big desk in a massive office building on Washington's Constitution Avenue, Secretary of Labor Arthur J. Goldberg listened intently, scribbled down notes on a scratch pad, and then politely but firmly refused to intervene: "It's my belief that it will be a lot better in the long run if we do not move in at this time."
Minutes later, word came from an aide that about 100 workers had walked off their missile-site construction jobs near Denver's Lowry Air Force Base. Goldberg called Lowry to find out what the trouble was—and learned that the men were protesting because a fence had been built by a nonunion contractor. He ordered tele grams sent to union officials, reminding them in no uncertain terms that they had made a no-strike pledge on missile-base construction projects. "They made a commitment," he said, "and I expect them to keep it."
Still later, a Labor Department mediator called to ask for a little top-level pressure to push a labor-management settlement. "Yes, I think I can help," replied Goldberg. And without bothering to check with the White House, Arthur Goldberg began dictating a telegram: "The President has asked me to urge ..."
In a daily dozen ways, Labor Secretary Goldberg, 53, last week was speaking in the name of President John F. Kennedy on matters of deepest concern to the nation's 72.2 million-man labor force. When some locals of the United Auto Workers staged the toilet strike against General Motors just as an agreement seemed imminent (see BUSINESS), both U.A.W. President Walter Reuther and G.M. Negotiator Lou Seaton called Goldberg for advice. Patiently, Goldberg heard each man out, discovered areas of agreement, and eased them toward accord. Both sides were confident of an end to the walkouts this week.
Ready to Try. In dealing with the auto strike, Goldberg restricted himself to the Secretary of Labor's traditional function as a counselor. But in other labor disputes during his nine months in office, Goldberg has intervened more directly and forcefully than all his predecessors lumped together in the 48 years since labor became a Cabinet post. Using all the Administration's influence and all the experience gained during his years as labor's top lawyer and strategist, Goldberg has personally negotiated and mediated in strikes that have crippled the nation's maritime industry, grounded most of its commercial airplanes and critically delayed its missile-site construction. Again, he has made sure that the curtain will rise next month on the 77th season of New York's Metropolitan Opera by agreeing to arbitrate a dispute between the Met's management and its musicians.