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In diplomatic business that takes patience, Stevenson has drawn on U.N. experience that goes back to the founding conference in San Francisco, steering through U.S. policy on the Congo operation, U.N. financing, and the election of U Thant—and doing it mostly in quiet, off-camera discussions. In U.N. speeches, Stevenson's eloquence has been an effective weapon. A year ago, he gave perhaps the most cogent speech to date, explaining why the U.S. opposes the seating of a Red China regime that behaves "in a fashion recalling the early authoritarian emperors of China.'' During the Angola and Goa debates, Stevenson made clear U.S. opposition to colonialism and aggression, reminded delegates that the Communist world is "the largest colonial empire which has ever existed in all history, the only imperial system which is not liquidating itself but is still trying energetically to expand in all directions."
Still Restive. Yet, only a year ago, Stevenson remained restive at the U.N., seriously considered returning to Illinois to run against Republican Senator Everett Dirksen. Viewed from the U.N.'s glass jungle in Manhattan, the Senate appeared to be a far more reasonable club—one that might allow some time for reflection instead of the grinding cycle of negotiations, speeches, parties, dinners and the problems of running a 115-man staff. Stevenson was still unhappy with his role in foreign policy—the role of advocating policies he had no part in making. Typically, Kennedy spent one session with Stevenson in which he did not discourage Adlai from running for the Senate. Then, in a second meeting, Kennedy told Stevenson he could exert more influence as U.N. ambassador than as junior Senator from Illinois. The President promised Stevenson "an expanding role in the making and execution of foreign policy."
To a certain degree, that pledge has been kept. Stevenson works mainly through regular State Department channels, reporting to Secretary of State Rusk through his old friend Harlan Cleveland, Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs. But he is often on the direct line to Kennedy from his U.N. mission headquarters or from his Waldorf Tower suite. He consults constantly with Arthur Schlesinger Jr.. a White House liaison man and an old Stevenson speechwriter who, however, switched allegiance to Kennedy in early 1960. At least once a week Stevenson flies to Washington to attend State Department meetings or meetings of the Executive Committee of the National Security Council.
It was ironic that Stevenson's performance during the October Cuban crisis should have occasioned last week's controversy. For, to all outward appearances, this was Adlai's finest hour as U.N. Ambassador. Acting on talk-tough instructions telephoned to him by President Kennedy, Stevenson flayed Russia's Valerian Zorin. "Do you, Ambassador Zorin, deny that the U.S.S.R. has placed and is placing medium-and intermediate-range missiles and sites in Cuba?" he demanded. "Yes or no—don't wait for translation—yes or no?" When Zorin protested that he was not a defendant in an American court, Stevenson cut in: "You are in the court of world opinion right now."