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"The Soviet Union," said Macmillan, "is prepared to use the happiness, the unity and the independence of the German people as pawns in its game to break up [NATO] . . . They must accept the odious system which has been imposed on East Germany or else continue to remain divided ... If the German people were ever allowed to express their feelings at free elections, the puppets who are held in power in East Germany by Soviet arms would be swept away ... for the Soviet government, the only acceptable guarantee for the reunification of Germany is the Bolshevization of the whole country."
John Foster Dulles joined in. "So far as the U.S. is concerned," said the Secretary gravely, "what has happened here has largely shattered such confidence as was born at the summit conference." The session quickly degenerated into an exchange of invective and sarcasm, with Pinay, who cannot abide Molotov, leading the Western attack. When it was all over, the Kremlin was clearly labeled as the Divider of Germany.
Item 2. Next day the West insisted on passing on to Item 2—disarmament. Molotov had a few unkind words to say on this subject too. Kept in the background during the Parley at the Summit, Molotov now had his chance to attack President Eisenhower's plan for mutual air inspection of U.S. and Soviet arms installations (TIME, Aug. 1). With a perfectly straight face he charged that it would "increase" the danger of atomic war.
"We have no doubt," he said, that President Eisenhower was "guided by good intentions." With that, he proceeded to "prove" that the West's most experienced military leader was really just a hopeful ignoramus, misled into his proposal by scheming "military circles." The Western delegates were more amused than shocked at Molotov's rantings; yet as one of them put it afterwards: "When you start to laugh out loud you look at that face and realize it's no laughing matter."
John Foster Dulles delivered the U.S.'s reply. Eisenhower's plan, he said, was never intended to be a "cureall" but is an "essential prelude" to a practical system for arms control. Dulles even offered to extend the system of mutual inspection to all U.S. bases overseas. But the U.S., said Dulles flatly, will not allow its security to be dependent on Soviet promises. So ended Item 2.
Item 3. In another room, the ministers' deputies had taken up Item 3—the improvement of East-West contacts. They too disagreed. Both sides had expected this to be the easiest subject on the agenda, but when the West asked the Soviet delegates to abolish censorship and admit more foreign tourists, the Russians replied with the demand that Nationalist China should give up its blockade on the Red Chinese coast.
By week's end the Big Four conference found itself at a dead halt. On one point all were agreed: the conference should break up this week after exactly three weeks in session.