(2 of 3)
Selective Silence. Next day, when Gomulka appeared without bodyguards at a mass meeting held in front of Warsaw's gaudy Russian-built Palace of Science and Culture, a crowd of more than 250,000 Poles gave him a hero's reception. They cheered thunderously when Gomulka revealed Khrushchev's promise to call off Russian troop movements and cheered when he added: "The Polish people can now trust their army. It is subordinate to its own government . . . All the Russian advisers in our army will be relieved if the general staff so decides." But the applause faded into heavy silence when he added that the Communist government of Poland wants "wholehearted friendship with the Soviet Union," and declared that Soviet forces would remain in Poland "as long as NATO keeps bases in Germany and as long as a new Wehrmdcht keeps being built up."
The crowd's selective silences were clear evidence that the genie which Gomulka had conjured up to confound Khrushchev was not one he could rebot-tle at will. Having capitalized on his countrymen's historic hostility to Russia, Gomulka has to live with the danger that that hostility may get out of hand. Scarcely had he finished his speech when a good part of his audience proceeded to ignore his warning against further demonstrations, especially anti-Soviet outbursts. Hoisting Polish and Hungarian flags, more than 5,000 students marched to the Hungarian embassy to shout their sympathy with the Budapest rebels and their hatred of the U.S.S.R. If such demonstrations continued to gain in momentum, there was real danger that the Russians might feel compelled to change their minds about Polish sovereignty.
Between Russian fears and Polish patriotism, Poland's new boss was left with little room for maneuvering, but within what space he had he maneuvered effectively. In his telephone conversation with Khrushchev, Gomulka had agreed that he would lead a three-man delegation to Moscow before the week was out to discuss with Soviet leaders the new relationship between Poland and the U.S.S.R. At midweek, convinced that this was not the moment, Gomulka postponed the trip indefinitely. Meantime, determined to prevent further anti-Russian outbursts in Poland, the new government began to organize workers' militia units in industrial plants.
Excursion into Heresy. As Gomulka well knew, the popular tide which swept him into power was anti-Communist as well as anti-Russian. With the army and the secret police no longer dependable instruments of oppression, he more than ever would have to rest his power on his popularity with the Polish masses.