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Costa was released after six months. When Getulio Vargas led a coup that pushed the landowners out in 1930 and set up a mild, semi-Fascist dictatorship, Costa came aboard as an aide to one of Vargas' Cabinet ministers. Over the years, Costa worked his way up in rank and, during a postwar wave of democratic feeling in Latin America, joined a group of officers who booted Vargas from power in 1945only to see him return to office after the 1950 elections. Four years later, as Vargas drifted back toward his old corruption and dictatorship, the army again ordered him out; this time Vargas went to his palace bedroom and put a bullet through his head.
As the candidate of Vargas' Social Democratic Party, Juscelino Kubitschek was swept to power in the next year's elections, promising "50 years of progress in five." He doubled cement and steel production, tripled power generation, expanded petroleum output 15 times and, with visionary foresight, started the $600 million capital of Brasilia 600 miles to the northwest of Rio and the 1,360-mile Belém-Brasilia highway to open up Brazil's virginal interior. The gross national product spurtedbut so did the government deficit. By the time Kubitschek's term was upBrazilian Presidents cannot succeed themselvesthe cost of living was climbing 29.4% a year and corruption was everywhere.
Like Hoodlums. Promising to "wield the broom," incoming President Jánio Quadros threw the national machine into reverse, firing 35,000 government workers and slashing salaries of top government officials 30%. When President Quadros persuaded the Sao Paulo legislature to vote down a pay raise for the state militia, the militiamen rebelled and prepared to storm the governor's palace. Now a general, Costa e Silva ordered his troops to surround the rebel barracks, then rushed alone to the palace, where he found rebels in charge and the governor hiding in the basement. "You're acting like hoodlums," Costa shouted at the rebels. "Get in line, all of you. You're under arrest." Fortunately, the army arrived moments later to back up Costa's threat, and the revolt was over.
When the erratic, increasingly moody Quadros suddenly swung to the left, calling Castro a "great statesman" and even pinning Brazil's top medal on Cuba's visiting Che Guevara, the public and army raised an angry clamor. In a fit of pique, Quadros simply resigned one day and sailed off to Europe. In came Vice President Joao Goulart, a leftist demagogue who at the very moment of Quadros' resignation was in Peking chatting with Mao Tse-tung. The army considered pulling a coup, but finally decided to give Goulart a chance. Asked to serve as Goulart's army chief of staff, Costa refused. "I cannot," he said, "take a position of trust in a government that I distrust and oppose." The job went instead to Castello Branco.
