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When the Roman Catholic Church speaks on moral problems, Protestant Theologian Jaroslav Pelikan points out, it speaks on one of three levels: 1) natural law, which it considers applicable to all men, Christian or not, by virtue of their creation; 2) revealed law, applicable to all Christians "in a state of grace"; and 3) church law, applicable only to members of a particular church. There is little dispute left over the last two categories. Few Catholics would argue any longer that revealed law (for instance, the Christian sacrament of marriage) or church law (for instance, the celibacy of priests) should be made part of state law. But Catholics still retain the belief that natural law, or their interpretation of it, should be embodied in human legislation—and that is the point where they clash with their critics.
In general, though, most churchmen would agree that in a free market of ideas, the churches should have the same rights as any other organization to fight for their principles. Barring undue influence or chicanery, if the majority does not want them, they will presumably not be accepted. The old-fashioned view that churches should stay out of the political, social and economic spheres altogether and stick to preaching and saving souls, is still sharply expressed by some laymen and clerics. But they are in the distinct minority. Presbyterian Eugene Carson Blake, General Secretary of the World Council of Churches, declares: "Surely, if the chambers of commerce, labor unions, university faculties and women's clubs properly influence political decisions, it is a basic rejection of the importance of God himself if the church is to be inactive or silent." The Hebrew prophets as well as the New Testament, believes Blake, give grounds for church involvement. "The gospel is no longer being misunderstood as simply a spiritual affair. The church cannot be merely interested in the salvation of souls. It must be interested in the salvation of men, both souls and bodies."
The Possible Pitfalls
That is precisely the belief of a new generation of churchmen who are carrying the American activist tradition a step or two further than the Social Gospel. They have learned their lessons from Niebuhr. They are less likely than their spiritual forebears two generations ago to identify any set pattern, such as pacifism or socialism, with the gospel. They are more open to secular allies and more realistic in the uses of power. In city halls and state legislatures, and on Capitol Hill itself, they are turning up to buttonhole, cajole and twist an arm or two, right alongside the other lobbyists. Methodist Minister Tex S. Sample, Director of Social Relations for the Massachusetts Council of Churches, says: "The church should be involved wherever there are human values at stake. If a company is trying to decide whether to make the heels of shoes from wood or plastic, that is not a church issue. But if making them from plastic puts people out of work, obviously the entire community has a right to have a say in this issue, and the church should as well. There are human values in more things than some people admit."