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For the present, all three candidates have far more urgent concerns. For McCarthy, it is a question of survival. One or two primary losses may sink him, while his victories so far have kept him just barely afloat. Kennedy must restore his momentum, as he hopes to do in the primaries. Humphrey can only resort to more tenuous tactics. He must fight for his share of attention, but not campaign so combatively as to belie his banner as the unity candidate. He must also extend an olive branch to attract some of McCarthy's delegates if the opportunity arises.
This is a touchy business, and Humphrey has delicately discriminated between his unequal rivals. He says that McCarthy's campaign "has been decent, honest and gentlemanly," but can spare no kind words for Kennedy. Rather, he has begun indirectly to play on Kennedy's vulnerable points. "I intend to act like a Vice President," Humphrey declares, "not like an aggressive, acquisitive, self-seeking, bridge-burning candidate. I don't run any blitzkriegs. I don't indulge in any arm-twisting tactics." And the erstwhile enfant terrible emphasizes his own "maturity" in contrast with the "emotional binges" of the unnamed opposition.
Company Man. Humphrey must also construct an efficient campaign organization. His personal staff consists mostly of Minnesotans with little expertise in national politics. He tried to attract Lawrence O'Brien, but lost him to Kennedy; there is no Humphrey cadre of veteran organizers to match Kennedy's. Humphrey himself, although he was a leading architect of Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party in the 1940s, has never been considered a particularly astute tactician on the national level. In 1956, he openly sought the vice-presidential nomination, ran a humiliating third behind Estes Kefauver and John Kennedy. In 1960, Kennedy did not merely beat Humphrey: he exterminated him.
What Humphrey has, as does Richard Nixon among the Republicans, is the affection and indebtedness of hundreds of influential party officials around the country—Congressmen, mayors, Governors, state committeemen—for whom he has campaigned, raised funds and opened many doors in Washington. He must now translate these lOUs into meaningful support.
Humphrey has few enemies in Washington. It is a company town and, particularly since becoming Senate majority whip in 1961 and then Vice President in 1965, Humphrey has been a company man par excellence. Forsaking some of his old freewheeling ways, he moved closer to the seat of power. As whip, he had had the intense pleasure of leading the successful fight for the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the Limited Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty and other measures he had earlier promoted. The exchange of office finally paid off by giving him his present opportunity to run once more for the presidency.
"Weeping Hawk." It was Lyndon Johnson who opened the way in 1964 by selecting him as running mate, and a significant question now is how much Johnson can and will help Humphrey grab the highest rung. No one in Washington doubts that Johnson would welcome Humphrey's accession —if for no other reason than to vindicate his own Administration's record and to confound his chief tormentor, Kennedy.