During Czechoslovakia's "springtime of freedom," First Party Secretary Alexander Dubcek was the symbol of the country's new liberal spirit. Now, in the winter of its agony, Dubcek has increasingly become the symbol of compromise and collaboration. Bending to the will of his Soviet overlords, how ever reluctantly, Dubcek has moved into the forefront of those who are shaping the country's return to stern Communist orthodoxy.
Last week the Communist Party Presidium issued a warning to the Czechoslovak people admonishing them to refrain from all forms of dissent against the regime or the Soviet occupiers. Otherwise, as Dubček declared, "The party will impose inevitable measures. They might seem undemocratic, but they will ensure that this republic is not driven by anarchistic tendencies." Not surprisingly, Dubček's popularity has declined sharply in Czechoslovakia. In fact, only 41 months after their tanks crashed into Czechoslovakia, the Soviets have, in effect, succeeded in destroying not only the liberal reforms but the reformer as well.
Measure of Autonomy. Since he is largely doing their bidding, the Soviets do not at present want to discredit Dubček entirely. Ironically, they allowed him last week to put into effect one of his original reforms. It has nothing to do with his innovations in press and political freedom, which have been quashed. The new measure establishes a federal system of government in Czechoslovakia, granting a large degree of autonomy to the country's two main ethnic groups, the Czechs and the Slovaks.
Dubček, a Slovak, presented the scheme a year ago when he ousted from power President and Party Boss Antonin Novotny, a Czech. Historically, the more bucolic Slovaks have felt oppressed by the urbanized and sophisticated Czechs, who outnumber them by nearly 3 to 1. Hoping to enhance his support at home, Dubček proposed self-rule as a means of alleviating the old Slovak grievances. At first, the Soviets, who earlier had threatened to break off Slovakia and incorporate it into the Soviet Union, opposed the federal system. They changed their minds when they realized that the reorganization would provide an opportunity to plant in the new posts men who are more likely to do their bidding than the officials in the former government.
Under the new setup, the Czech and Slovak halves of the country will each have their own governments to run the affairs of the provinces. The activities of the regional governments will be coordinated by a federal government in Prague that will be administered by a Premier, four Deputy Premiers and a seven-man Cabinet. In addition, there will be a bicameral federal legislature composed of a lower Chamber of People and a Senate-style Chamber of Nations; the delegates of both houses will be drawn from the regional assemblies.
Preference for Realists. The initial Czechoslovak reaction to federalization was favorable. In a spontaneous outburst of regional pride, Czechs paraded through the snowy streets of Prague, waving the red and white flag of their native province of Bohemia. Simultaneously, Slovak patriots hoisted the white-blue-red banner of Slovakia over the battlements of the hilltop castle that frowns down on Bratislava, the old provincial capital of Slovakia.